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DS 461.6.l4Tl975'""'"-"'"^ 
Shah Jahan / 

3 1924 006 140 374 

Cornell University 

The original of tliis book is in 
tlie Cornell University Library. 

There are no known copyright restrictions in 
the United States on the use of the text. 




1. Padshah-nama, of Muhammad Amin 
Kazwini ... ••• ■ . 1 

2. Badshah-nama, of 'Abdul Hamid 

Lahori ... ... ... 3 

3. Accession of Shah Jahaii ... ... 6 

4. Shah Jahan-nama, <rf 'Inayat Khan ... 79 

5. Badshah-nama, of Muhammad Warns ... 129 

6. 'Amal-i Salih, of Muhammad .Salih 

Kamba ... ... ... 123 

7. Shah Jahan-nama, of Muhammad Sadik 
Khan ... ... ... 142 

8. Majalisu-s Salatin, of Muhammad 

Sharif Hanafi ... ... ... 143 

9. Lubbu-t Tawarikh-t Hind, of Rai 
Bhara Mai 

10. Shah Jahan's justice ... ... 154 

11.. Illness of Shah Jahan ... ... 155 

HApi'2- Piii=iS :~AH<3in£ 




(The author of this work in his preface gives it the title 
of Padshah-nama, but, like several other histories of the 
reign ot Shah Jahan, it is often called Shah-Jahan-nama, 
and sometimes more specifically Tarikh-i Shah-Jahani 
Dah-sala. The full name of the author is Muhammad 
Amin bin Abu-1 Hasan Kazwini, but he is familiarly 
known as Aminai Kazwini, Aminai Munshi, , or Mirza 
Amina. He was the first who received orders to write a 
history of the reign of Shah Jahan. The orders were 
given, as he tells us, in the eighth year of Shah Jahan, 
and he complcLcd this work, comprising the history of the 
first ten years of the reign, and dedicated it to Shah 
Jahan in the twentieth year of that Emperor's reign. 

The Author in his preface says that he has divided 
his work into an Introduction, containing an account of 
the Emperor's life from his birth to his accession; a 
Discourse (makala), comprising the history of the first 
ten years of his reign; and an Appendix, containing 
notices of holy and learned men, physicians and poets. 
He also mentions his intention of writing a second . 
volume, bringing down the history to the twentieth year 
of Shah Jahan's reign. But he does not appear to have 
carried out his design, having probably been prevented 
by his appointment to a busy office, for Muhammad 
Salih, in a short biography of the author, says that he 
was transferred to the Intelligence Department. 

This history of Aminai Kazwini has been the model 
upon which most of the histories of Shah Jahan have 
been formed. 'Abdul Hamid, the author of the 
Badshah-nama, follows its arrangement, and although he 


makes no acknowledgment of the fact, his work com- 
prises the same matter, and differs from it only in style. 
Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a small folio of 297 pages 
of twenty-one lines each. It is fairly written, but all the 
rubrics are omitted. There is a copy in the Library of 
the Royal Asiatic Society, and three copies in the British 

^ IT his article has been taken almost exclusively 
from Morley's Catalogue of the MSS. of the Royal 
Asiatic Society.). 




(This is a history o£ the fiist twenty years of the reigri' 
of Shah Jahan, composed by 'Abdul Hamid Lahori. 
Little is known of the author, but Muhammad Salih, in 
his 'Amai-i Salih informs us that 'Abdu-1 Hamid was 
celebrated for the beauty of his style, and that he died 
in 1065 A.H. (1654 A.D.). 'Abdu-1 Hamid himself says 
in his preface, that the Emperor desired to find an au- 
thor who could write the memoirs of his reign in the 
style of Abu-1 Fazl's Akbar-nama; and that he, 'Abdu-1 
Hamid, had studied and greatly admired Abu-1 Fazl's 
style. He was recommended to the Emperor for the 
work, and was called from Patna, where he was living in 
retirement, to undertake the composition. His patron 
was the excellent minister 'AUami Sa'duUa Khan. 

The contents of the work are: A Preface, in which 
the author dedicates his work to Shah Jahan. A descrip- 
tion of the Emperor's horoscope. A concise account of 
his ancestors, commencing with Timur. A brief review 
of the proceedings of Shah Jahan before his accession to 
the throne. A detailed history of the first twenty vears 
of the reign divided into two cycles of ten years each. 
The work comprises, also, an enumeration of the princes 
of the blood royal; of the nobles of the Court, arranged 
according to their respective ranks, from those command- 
ing 9000 to those of 500 horse; and an account of the 
shaikhs, learned men, physicians and poets who flourish- 
ed during the period embraced by the history. 

The Badshah-nama is the great authority for the 
reign of Shah-Jahan. Muhammad Salih, a younger and 
rival writer, speaks of the author in the highest term. 



and "Khafi Khan, the author of the Muntakhabu-l . 
Lubab, has based his history of the first twenty years of 
Shah Jahan's reign almost entirely on this work. The 
greatest objection to the work is the author's style, 
which is of that adulterated kind introduced into India 
apparently by the brothers Abu-1 Fazl and Faizi."^ 
'Abdul Hamid was, as he himself states, a professed ad- 
mirer and imitator of Abu-1 Fazl's style; and when he is 
dealing with a subject demanding his eloquence, his style 
is as verbose, turgid and fulsome as that of his master. 
Happily, however, he is not always in a magniloquent 
vein, but narrates simple facts in simple language, blur- 
red only by occasional outbreaks of his laboured rheto- 

The work is most voluminous, and forms two 
bulky volumes of the Bibliotheca Indica, containing 1662 
pages. It enters into most minute details of all the trans- 
actions in which the Emperor was engaged, the pensions 
and dignities conferred upon the various members of the 
royal family, the titles granted to the nobles, their 
changes of office, the augmentations of their mansabs, 
and it gives lists of all the various presents given and 
received on public occasions, such as the vernal equinox, 
the royal birthday, the royal accession, etc. Thus the 
work contains a great amount of matter of no interest 
to any one but the nobles and courtiers of the time. 
But it would not be fair to say that it is filled with these 
trifles; there is far too much of them: but still there is 
a solid substratum of historical matter, from which the 
history of this reign has been drawn by later writers. 

MSS. of the Badshah-nama are common, and some 
fine copies are extant. Morley describes one belonging 
to the Royal Asiatic Society as "a most excellent speci- 
men of the Oriental art of caligraphy," and Col. Lees 
says: "The copy of the second part of the Badshah- 

^ Col. Lees, Jour. R.A. I'ol. Hi. N.S. 


noma which has been used for this edition (Bibliotheca 
Indica) is the finest MS. I have ever seen. It is written 
by Muhammad Salih Kambu, the author of the 'Amal-i 
Salih^ and bears on the margin the autograph of the 
Emperor Shah Jahan." The following Extracts have 
-all been selected: and translated by the Editor from the 
printed text.)* 


The Emperor Jahangir* died on 
the 28th Safar A.H. 10.B7 (28th October, 1627), at the 
age of fifty-eight years and one month, solar reckoning. 
Prince Shahriyaip, from his want of capacity and intelli- 
gence, had got the nickname of Na-shudani, "Good-for- 
nothing" and was commonly known by that appellation. 
He now cast aside all honour and shame, and before 
Shah Jahan had started (from the Dakhin), he repudi- 
ated his allegiance, and went off in hot haste to Lahore 
to advance his own interests. Nur Mahal, who had been 
the cause of much strife and contention, now clung to 
the vain idea of retaining the reins of government in hex 
grasp, as she had held them during the reign of the late 
Emperor. She wrote to Na-shudani, advising him to col- 
lect as many men as he could, and hasten to her. 

Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan and Iradat Khan, who 
always acted together determined that, as Shah Jahan 
was far way from Agra, it was necessary to take some 
steps to prevent disturbances in the city, and to get pos- 
session of the princes Muhammad Dara Shukoh, 
Muhammad Shah Shuja', and Muhammad Aurangzeb, 

•Tftw article has been compiled by the Editor from 
'Abdu-l Hamid's preface, Sir H. M. Elliot's notes, 
Morley's notice in the Catalogue of the Royal A&iatic 
Society, and Col. Lees' article in the Journal of the Royal 
Asiatic Society, vol. Hi., N.S. 

" His title after death was "Jannat-makani.'^ 


who were in the female apartments with Nur Mahal. 
They therefore resolved that for some few days they 
would raise to the throne Bulaki, the son of Khusru, 
who, by Nur Mahal's contrivance, had been placed with 
Na-shudani, but who had beerj put under the charge of 
Iradat Khan by Jahangir when Na-shudani returned to 
Lahore from Kashmir. 

... So they placed Bulaki on horseback, and, with 
a party of men in whom they had full confidence, they 
commenced their march, taking care to keep one day 
ahead of Nur-Mahal .... As the young princes were 
not safe with Nur Mahal, they removed her from the 
royal palace, and took the voung princes under their own 
charge; but when Bulaki had been raised to the throne, 
they were placed in charge of Sadik Khan. 


Shah Jahan ascended the throne 
at Agra on the 18th Jumada-s sani, 1037 A.H. (6th Feb. 
1628), with the title of Abu-1 Muzaffar Shahabu-d din 
-Muhammad Sahib Kiran-i sani. 


Jajhar Singh was son of Raja Nar 
Singh Deo Bundela, who rose into notice by killing 
Shaikh Abu-1 Fazl, the celebrated author of the Akbar- 
nama, when Jahangir was heir apparent ... In odedi- 
ence to orders from the Emperor Akbar, the Shaikh was 
hastening to Court from the Dakhin with a small escort. 
Jahangir was jealous of the Shaikh's devotion to his 
father, and was apprehensive that his arrival would in- 
terefere with his own plans. ... So he incited Nar Singh 
Deo to kill him as he passed through his territory. This 
evil-minded man, from lust of gold, placed a large force 
of horse and foot in ambush, and fell upon the Shiakh. 
"^•^e followers of the Shaikh advised him to fly and 
^^ape, but he refused, and fell in the year 10 ll A.H. 


(1602 A.D.). After the accession of Jahangir to the 
throne, Nar Singh Deo rose into favour and distinction 
through this wicked deed. But his evil nature was un- 
able to bear his prosperity, and towards the end of the 
reign of Jahangir he became disaffected, and oppressed 
all the zamindars in his neighbourhood . . . He died three 
or four months before Jahangir, and was succeeded by 
his son Jajhar Singh. The wealth and property which 
Nar Singh Deo had amassed without labour and without 
trouble unsettled the mind of his worthless successor 
Jajhar, and at the accession of Shah Jahan, . . .he left 
the capital Agra, and proceeded to Undcha. his strong- 
hold, where he set about laising forces, strengthening the 
forts, providing munitions of war and closing the roads. 
A force was accordingly sent against him, under the com- 
mand of Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan. {The Imperial 
forces converged upon Undcha, and) Jajhar Singh, 
having no hope of escape, waited upon khan-khanan 
and made his submission. Just at this time intelligence 
arrived that 'Abdu-Ua Khan had taken the fortress of 
Irich,^ which had been in the possession of Jajhar Singh. 

SECOND YEAR OF THE REIGN. 1038 A.H. (20th DEC. 1628. A.D.) 

The anniversary of the accession 
was on the 1st of Jumada-s sani. Aft<;r the death of 
Jahangir, and before the accession of Shah Jahan, Khan- 
jahan Lodi entered upon a dangerous and disloyal 
course. , . . He formed an alliance with Nizamu-1 Mulk, 
and gave up to him the Balaghat in the Dakhin,« the 
revenue of which amounted to fifty-five krors of dams. 
But Sipahdar Khan, who held Ahmadnagar, bravely and 
loyally refused to surrender that city. Khan-Jahan sum- 
moned to his presence all the Imperial servants who were 

' 65 miles S.E. of Gwalior. 

« Khafi Khan says the temptation was six lacs of 
pagodas. — "Munlakhabu-l Lubab." 


in those parts. He left a small force at Burhanpur undei 
the command of Sikandar Dotani. whp was related to 
him, while he himself marched with a large force tc 
Mandu, with the intention of taking possession of 
Malwa, which province was then under the goverrmient 
of Mir 'Abdu-r Razzak, who had received the title of 
Muzaffar Khan. Shah Jahan proceeded from Ahmadbad 
by way of Ajmir to Agra, and there ascended the throna 
. . . The news of this event awakened Khan-Jahan and 
brought him to a sense of his folly and wickedness. 
Raja Gaj Singh, Raja Jai Singh, and other distinguished 
Rajputs who had accompanied him to Mandu, parted 
from him when they heard of Shab Jahan having arrived 
at Ajmir. Thereupon Khan-Jahan wrote a letter ot 
contrition and obedience, in the hope of obtaining for- 

A royal farman was sent in answer, informing him 
that he was confirmed in the governorship of the Dakhin, 
and directing him to return at once to Burhanpur. He 
then retired from Malwa to Burhanpur and engaged in 
the duties of his ofi&ce. But when it was reported to the 
Emperor that the country of Balaghat, which Khan- 
Jahan had given to Nizamu-l Mulk, still remained in his 
possession, and had not been recovered, the Emperor 
appointed Mahabat Khan to the governorship of the 
Dakhin. Khan-Jahan then returned to Court. The Em- 
peror paid little heed to the reports and observations 
about his improper conduct, and for eight months passed 
no rebuke upon him. He still continued moody and 
discontented and ready to listen to the incitements and 
suggestions of mischievous men. . . . One night Lashkari, 
son of Mukhlis Khan, in a malicious, mischief-making 
spirit, told the son of Khan-Jahan that he and his father 
were to be made prisoners on the following day or the 
next. . . The son told his father, whose apprehensiops 
were instantly aroused by this malicious report, and he 
kept close to his quarters with two thousand Afghan fol- 


lowers. His Majesty asked Yaininu-d daula Asaf Khan 
the reason why Khan-Jahan did not attend the darbar, 
and after inquiry had been made, it was ascertained that 
he had fears and suspicions, and he begged for a letter 
under the Emperor's signature, forgiving him all his 
offences, and relieving him from all his fears. . . . The 
Emperor graciously acceded to his request, and sent him 
a kind letter under his own hand. He then came to 
Court and paid his respects. But Fortune was aggrieved 
■with him, and so his perverse temper prevented him from 
appreciating the Emperor's kindness. 

On the night of Safar 26, the men of Yaminu-d 
daula brought in the intelligence that Khan-Jahan medi 
ated flight, and he sent to inform the Emperor. . . . After 
the first watch of the night, Khan-Jahan, with his nephew 
Bahadur and other relations and adherents, began his 
flight. As soon as the Emperor was informed of it, he 
sent Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan and . . .in pursuit of the 
fugitive. Unmindful of the smallness of their own force 
and the numbers of the Afghans, they followed them and 
overtook them in the vicinity of Dholpur.' The fugitives 
saw their road of escape was closed; for the waters ol 
the Chambal were before them and the fire of the aveng- 
ing sword behind. So they posted themselves in the 
rugged and diSicult ground on the bank of the river, 
and, fearing to perish in the waters, they resolved upon 
battle. . . (After many were killed and wounded), Khan- 
Jahan, with his two sons and several followers, resolved 
to hazard the passage of the Chambal, although the water 
was running high. He and his followers, wounded and 
unwounded, in great peril and with great exertion, 
succeeded in crossing over, thus escaping from the fire 
of battle and the waters of the stream. Many horses and 
much baggage fell into the hands of the royal forces. . 

^ Dholpur is about thirty-fine miles from Agra near 

the left bank of the Chambal. 



A party gathered to follow up the fugitives, but on reach- 
ing the bank of the river, it was found that it could not 
be crossed without boats, and an endeavour was made to 
collect some. Rhwaja Abu-1 ^lasan came up when one 
pahar of the day remained, and after consultation it was 
resolved to stay there for the night, and rest the horses 
which had made a long and fatigued march. Boats were 
collected, and the whole force passed over before noon 
next day, and recommenced the chase. But the fugitives 
pressed forward with all haste, and threw themselves into 
the jungles of Jajhar Singh Bundela. 

When the traitor (Khan-Jahan) entered the territory 
of Jajhar Singh Bundela, that chieftain was absent in the 
Dakhin; but his eldest son Bikramajit was at home, and 
sent the rebel out of the territory by unfrequented roads. 
If Birkraraajit had not thus favoured his escape, he 
would have been either taken prisoner or killed. He 
proceeded to Gondwana, and after staying there some 
time in disappointment and obscurity, he proceeded by 
way of Birar to the country of Burhan Nizamu-1 Mulk. 

THIRD YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1039 A.H. (1629 A.D.) 

On the 21st Ramazan Khwaja 
Abu-1 Hasan and .... altogether about 8000 horse, were 
sent to effect the conquest of Nasik and Trimbak,* and 
Sangamnir. It was settled that the Khwaja was to stay 
at some suitable position near the fort of Alang' during 
the rainy season until he was joined by Sher Khan from 
<he province of Gujarat with his provincial levies. After 
the end of the rains he was to march by way of Baglana, 
and, taking with him some of the iamindars of the coun- 

* Thi'i name is here writien, "Tirbang" but after- 
wards "Tirambak" or "Trimbak." The real name is 
Tirambak or Trimbak. It is a little west of Nasik. 

® The text here has "Lalang" but afterwards 



try, niake his way to Nasik. The Khwaja marched from 
Burhanpur, and in eight days reached the village ot 
Dholiya^" near the fort of Alang, and there halted until 
the rains should cease . • • Sher Khan, Subadar of Guja- 
rat, joined with 26,000 men, and the Khwaja sent hnn 
to attack the fort of Batora, in the vicinity of Chandor, 
near Nasik and Trimbak. Sher Khan ravaged the coun- 
try, and returned with great spoil. 


Jadu Rai, with his sons, grand- 
sons, and other relations held altogether from the Im- 
perial Government mansabs amounting to 24,000 (per- 
sonal) and 15,000 horse. He also had sundry jagirs in 
the Dakhin as tankhwah, so that he lived in wealth and 
comfort. But he was hckle and unfaithful, and went with 
his sons and relations to join the Nizam. But the Nizam 
well knew his perfidy, and resolved to put him in con- 
finement. For this purpose the Nizam arranged with 
some of his servants to seize Jadu Rai, and he summoned 
him to his presence. Accordingly Jadu attended the 
Court with his family. The armed men who were in 
concealment suddenly attacked them, and killed him, his 
two sons Ujla and Raghu. and his grandson Baswant. Hi? 
brother Jagdeo Rai, with Bahadur-ji his son, his wife and 
the other who escaped, fled from Daulatabad to Sind- 
ghar, near Jalnapur,^^ in their native country. 


(Text, vol. i. p. 316). 7th Rabi'u-1 awwal. When the 
rains were over, 'Azam Khan and the great nobles who 
were with him left Dewalganw" where they had rested 

*• About half way between Burhanpur and Nasik, 
" Or Jalna, east of Aurangabad. 
" About 60 miles S: of Burhanpur. 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

■dviring' the rainy season, and marched against the rebel 

Afghans. ■ 

At the conclusion o£ the rains, Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan 
also, according to orders, marched^ ffom the vicinity of 
the fort of Alang by way of Baglana towards Nasik and 
Trimbak. When he reached Baglana, the zamindar of 
that country, by name Bahar-ji, met him with four hun- 
dred horse. . . The Khwaja entered the enemy's country 
by way of the ghat of Jarahi. He found that the revenue 
officers and raiyats had left their villages, and had retire 
ed into the jungles and hills. So the country was deso- 
late, com was dear, and the soldiers v-^f thj royal army 
were in want of necessaries. The Khwaja then sent der 
t ached forces into the hills, and also into the inhabited 
country, and they returned from each raid with abun- 
dance of com and other necessaries, having killed or 
taking prisoners many of the enemy. The Be-Nizam*^ 
now appointed Mahaldar Khan with a party of horse 
and foot to vex the royal army at night with rockets. He 
was also directed to attack the parties sent out to gather 
fuel and fodder, and to carry off their camels and bullocks 
whenever he could get a chance. Shah-nawaz Khan was 
sent ag;ainst these assailants, and he, making a forced 
march of twenty kos, attacked them and put them to 
flight, and returned with great plunder. The Khwaja 
next sent Khan-zaman to attack the eriemy's camp at 
Sangamnir. This force made forced marches, and reach- 
ed the camp of the enemy, who dispersed and fled to the 
fort of Chandor. . . - ' ' 

At the close of the rains, ;^ the royal army left its 
<}uarters in Dewalganw, and marched forth against the 
Nizam-Shahis and the Afghans. On hearing of this, 
Mukarnib Khan and the other rebels left Jalnapur, where 

" "iVo tuler'. This is the nickname 'which the au- 
thor invariably uses in referring to Nizam Shah. 



ihcy had passed the rainy season, and refiicated towards 
Pathri.*' 'Azam Khan, being informed of their retreat, 
followed them march by march. When he reached the 
village of Rambhuri, on the Ban-ganga river, he learnt 
that the Nizam-Sli.ihi , had ascended the Balaghat at 
Dharur,*^ and had taken refuge in the fort of that place, 
while Khan-Jahan had not yet left his quarters at Bir. 
Khan-Jahan, having been informed of the movement ot 
the Imperial army, called in a detachment which he had 
sent to collect the revenues in the dependencies of Bir, 
and awaited the arrival of reinforcements from Mukar- 
rab Khan, who was at Dharur. 'Azam Khan conceived 
the design of attacking the forces of the rebel ithan be- 
fore the reinforcements could reach him; so he marched 
from Rambhuri to Mahganw. Here he received a mes- 
sage from Saf-shikan Khan Razwi, commandant of the 
fort of Bir, informing him that Khan-Jahan was at 
Rajauri, twenty-four kos from Machhli-ganw, employed 
in dividing the spoil which his predatory followers had 
obtained by plundering the merchants at Kehun and 
Kiorai. Several detachments which had been sent out to 
make collections had rejoined him, and as he had heard 
of the arrival of the Imperial army at Pathri, he had 
made up his mind to move off as soon as it came nearer 
r,o Bii 

'Azam Khan left a detachment in charge of his camp 
at Machhliganw to follow him quietly while he marched 
off after night-fall to attack the rebels. Four gharis of 
night remained when he reached Pipalnir, six kos from 
Bir, when he directed Saf-shikan Khan to make a de- 
monstration with his force on Khan-Jahan's flank, so 
that he might think this small force to be the whole of 

'■' Between the Puma and Godavari rivers, about 
thirty miles from their junction. 

I'' Bir and Dharur both lie on the road east of 



the royal army, and refrain from moving away. Saf- 
shikan Khan accordingly drew out his force upon a ridge 
about a kos in front of the rebel army, which had taken 
post at the foot of the hills about four kos from Bir. 
'Aziz, son of Khan-Jahan, advanced to attack Saf-shikan 
with a body of his father's troops, and at this juncture 
'Azam Khan came up with the main body of the royal 
army, and 'Aziz, was compelled to fall back in disorder to 
his father, whom he informed that the force which had 
first shown itself was Saf-shikan Khan's division, and 
that the whole of the royal army was coming up with 
all possible haste. 

Khan-Jahan, when he found that his retreat was cut 
off, determined to fight it out. . . But the royal troops 
forced their way to the top of the hill. Khan-Jahan sent 
away the elephant litter with his women to Siu-ganw,^* 
and then rallied his troops for a struggle. He sent his 
nephew Bahadur, in whose courage and daring he had 
great confidence, against Bahadur Khan and some others 
of the royal army, who, being few in number, were very 
hard pressed. They dismounted, and, resolving to sell 
their lives dearly, they kept up a desperate struggle, and 
slew many of the enemy. Bahadur Khan received two 
wounds from arrows, one in his face, the other in his 
side, and several of his comrades were slain. ^^ Narhar 
Das also and many Rajputs fell. Sipahdar Khan and 
others, who had mounted the hill on the right, seeing 
the state of the battle, took shelter behind a stone wall 
and kept up a discharge of arrows. Raja Bihar' Singh 
Bundela now came up from the right wing to support 
Bahadur Khan. He joined valiantly in the struggle and 

" About 40 miles N.E. of Ahmadnagar. 

" Or as the author, grandiloquently expresses it : 
"The field of battle having been made dark as night by 
the clouds of dust his companions cast themselves like 
moths upon the flames of the fire-flashing swords." 



many of his men were killed. Raja Jai Singh and other 
rajas who were on another part oi the hill', also joined 
in the fight. 'Azam Khan next came up in haste and 
ordered a part of the left wing to advance. At this time, 
When many of the Imperial officers had fallen, and the 
result seemed doubtful, the favour of Heaven fell upon 
the royal forces. The ill-starred Bahadur, observing the 
successive arrivals of reinforcements for his adversaries;! 
lost heart, and turned to flee with his A^hans. His 
father also fled. As the discomfited rebels hurried down 
the hill, they were harassed by showers of arrows and 
bullets. A ball struck Bahadur Rhan, and he was unable 
to continue his flight. Paras Ram, a servant of Raja 
Bihar Singh's, came up and despatched him with his dag- 
ger; then he cut off his head and sent it with his ring, 
horse and weapons, to Raja Bihar Singh, who forwarded 
them to 'Azam Khan. The Khan gave the horse to the 
man who had slain Bahadur, the ring he sent to the 
Emperor, and the head he caused to be set up as a warn- 
ing over the gate of Bir. 

The royal forces pursued the fugitives for three kos, 
and put many of them to the' sword. But as the victors 
had been in the saddle from the first watch in the even- 
ing of one day to the third watch of the next day, and 
had marched more than thirty kos, men and beasts were 
both worn out, and were unable to go further. 'Azam 
Khan then called a halt, to allow of a little rest, and to 
give stragglers time to come up. 

Khan-Jahan and his followers, whose horses were 
fresh, took advantage of this to improve their distance; 
but 'Azam Khan sent Muhammad Dakhni and the forces 
that were in Bir to maintain the pursuit, and he himself, 
after a brief interval, followed with the main force. When 
Khan-Jahan learnt that the victors were in full pursuit, 
he removed his ladies from the howda in which they had 
been carried by a female elephant, and mountinj^ them 
on horses rode away with them. Darwesh Muhammad 


with a party of pursuers, captured the elephant and 
howda, and made a number of Afghans and their women 
prisoners. Most of Khan-Jahan's men who escaped were 
wounded, and in their panic they- Were able to carry off 
nothing but the clothes they wore and the horses they 
rode. Khan-Jahan, with a few faithful followers, escaped 
into the hill-country. . . . 'Azam Khan halted at Bir, to 
give his army a little rest. . . . Khan-Jahan then proceed 
ed from Siu-ganw to Bizapur^* and Bhonsla, in the 
Nizam-Shahi territory, with the design of going to Dau- 
latabad. On hearing of this movement, 'Azam Khan 
marched from Bir towards Siu-ganw with 20,000 horse. 

At this time, Sahu-ji Bhonsla, son-in-law of Jadu 
Rai, the Hindu commander of Nizam Shah's army, came 
in and joined 'Azam Khan. After the murder of Jadu 
Rai, which has been mentioned above, Sahu-ji broke off 
his connexion with Nizam Shah, and, retiring to the 
districts of Puna and Chakna, he Wrote to 'Azam Khan, 
proposing to make his submission upon receiving a pro- 
mise of protection. 'Azam Khan wrote to Court, and 
received orders to accept the proposal. Sahu-ji then 
came and joined him with two thousand horse. He re- 
ceived a mansab of 5,000," a khi'lat, a g;ift of two lacs of 
rupees, and other presents. His brother Mina-ji receiv- 
ed a robe and a mansab of 3,000 personil and 1,500 horse. 
Samaji son of Sahu-ji, also received a robe and a man- 
sab of 2,000 personal and 1,000 horse. Several of their 
relations and dependents also obtained gifts and marks 
of distinction. 

Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan, when they heard of 
the march of the Imperial forces towards Siu-ganw, quit- 
led Bizapur and Bhonsla, and went to the village of 
Lasur, ten kos from Daulatabad. Nizam Shah also, on 
being informed of this advance, withdrew from Nizama- 

^* About 26 miles W. of Aurangabad-. 

" "6,000 Personal and 5,000 horse."— Khafi Khan. 



bad, which be had. built outside of the fort of DauIaU- 
bad, and around which his adherents had built various 
houses and edifices, and entered into the fort itself. 
Khan-Jahan and Darya Khan, no longer deeming it safe 
to remain at Lasur, went to Ir-Kahtala. half a kos from 
Daulatabad, and few days later Khan-Jahan removed his 
family to Aubash-dara, a place within cover of Daulat- 
abad. Darya Khan, with a thousand Afghans, separated 
from Khan-Jahan, marched towards Chandor, and the 
ghat of Chalis-ganw,*" with the intention of attacking 
Andol and Dharan-Ganw. 

This movement being reported to the Emperor,. . . 
he appointed 'Abdu-Ua Khan, whom he had sum- 
moned from the fialaghat, to act against Darya 
Khan, and sent him ofE on the 10th Jumada-1 
awwal. Darya Khan, had ravaged Andol, Dharan- 
ganw, and sundry other places of the Payin-ghat 
of Chalis-ganw; but on hearing of the approach of ' Abdu- 
Ua Khan he turned back to the Balaghat. Want of rain 
and the ravages of the Nizam-Shahis and Afghans, h:^ 
made provisions very scare about Daulatabad; so 'Azam 
Khan did not deem it prudent to advaiu e in that direc^ 
tion, but thought it preferable to march against Mukar- 
rab Khan and Bahlol, who were at Dharur and Amba- 
jogai, in which plan of operations he was confirmed by 
a letter from Yaminu-d daula, who was at Ojhar. So he 
marched towards the ghat by way of Manik-dudh. 
{After some fighting) the royal forces ascended the ghat 
and took the village of Daman-ganw, twenty kos from 
Ahmadnagar. Next day they marched to Jamkhir,*^ in 
the Nizam-Shahi territories. . . Leaving a force there, 
he next day proceeded to Tilangi. The garrison of the 
fort there had set in order, and opened fire upon him. 
. . . But in the course of one watch he took it by assault,^ 

*• About 25 miles E. of Chandor, and the same N.W^ 
of Aurangabad. 

'^About 30 miles S.E. of Aurangabad. 



put many of the defenders to the sword, took nearly five 
hundred prisoners, and captured all the munitions ot 
the fort. When the royal forces reached the banks of 
the Wanjara,^'^ twelve kos from the fort of Dhariur, 
they fouiid' that Mukarrab Khan and his confederates 
had passed down the pass of Anjan-dudh, and had gone 
to the neighboiurhood of Bir. 'Azam Khaii "Aen sent 
Sahu-ji Bhonsla to take possession of the districts 
around Junir and Sangamnir, whilst he himself with 
the main force, went through the pass of Allam to the 
town of Bir, and proceeded from thence to Partur, on 
the bank of the river Dudna. The enemy then fled 
towards Daulatabad. But 'Azam Khan learnt thai 
scarcity of provisions prevented them from remaining 
in that vicinity and that they had moved ofE towards 
the Balaghat, by way of Dharur. He then determined to 
intercept and attack them. But he found that the 
enemy, having placed their elephants and beggage in 
the fort of Dhanir, had the design of descending the 
Payin-ghat. So he went through the pass of Anjan- 
dudh, and encamped three kos from Dharur. 


In the course of the past year, 
Bakir Khan had proceeded to the pass of khera-para, 
two kos from Chhatardawar. This is a very narrow 
pass, between the territories of Kutbu-1 Mulk and 
Orissa, and a small force of musketeers and archers 
might hold it in security. He ravaged the country 
round, but when the rains set in, he retired without 
makiffig any attempt upon the fon of Mansur-garh which 
a slave of Kutbu-1 Mulk's, named Mansur, had built 
.about four kos from Khera-para. After the rains, under 
the royal orders, lie again marched to Khera-para. Sher 
Muhammad, and other officers of Kutbu-1 Mulk, had 

-■Called in the maps "Manjira." 



collected about 3,000 horse and 10,000 foot, and having 
strengthened the fort with guns, muskets, and other 
implements of warfare, they made ready for battle. . . . 
On the 8th Jumada-1 awwal, Bakir Khan arrived in the 
vicinity of Mansur-garh, and found the enemy drawn 
up in a plain north-east of the fort. . . . The enemy were 
unable to withstand the assault of the royal forces, but 
broke and fled. Flushed with victory, Bakir Khan 
resolved to attack the fort. Notwithstanding a heavy 
fire of cannons and muskets, he advanced to the base of 
the walls, planted his scaling-ladders, and began to as- 
cend. The garrison being ilismayed, took grass between 
their teeth, as is the manner of that country, and begged 
for quarter. Bakir Khan allowed them to march out in 
safety, and then placed a garrison of his own in the fort. 


, The territories of Nizamu-1 Mulk 
had suffered severely from the inroads of the Imperial 
forces in pursuit of Khan-Jahan, and mistrust and differ- 
ences had arisen between the Nizam and Khan-Jahan; 
■so the latter, in concert with Darya Khan, his chief 
adherents, and his remaining sons, resolved to retire to 
the Panjab, in order to seek the means of carrying on 
^is insurrection among the disaffected Afghans of that 
country. So he left Daulatabad and proceeded towards 
Malwa. The Emperor, by his sagacity and foresight, 
had anticipated such a movement, and had sent 'Abdiv 
alia Khan to Malwa, in order to chastise Darya Khan. 
After Darya Khan had returned to the Balaghat, *Ahdu- 
11a Khan was directed to wait at the Payin-ghat, and to 
"hasten after Darya Khan, whereever he might hear of 
him. Having got intelligence of his movements, 'Abdu- 
11a Khan went after him and reported the facts to the! 

On the 24th Tumada-1 awwal. the Emperor ... 
appointed Saiyid Muzaffar Khan to support 'Abdu-lla 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

Khan, .... and on the 25th Rabiu-1 awwsil, he marched 
towards Malwa. He was directed to proceed by way of 
Bijagarb, and to cross the Nerbadda near Mandu. . . . 
If he found 'Abdu-Ua Khan there, he was directed to join 
him. He marched with all speedT and crossed the 
Nerbadda at Akbarpur. 'Abdu-Ua Khan having heard 
that Khan-Jahan had crossed at Dharampur,'*^ he crossed 
the river at the same ford, and encamped at Lonihara. 
There he ascertained that on the 28th Jumada-1 awwal, 
Khan-Jahan had moved off. He then proceeded ta 
Dipalpur,''* where he learnt that the rebels were plunder- 
ing the neighbourhood of Ujjain, and he marched to 
Nulahi^" in search of them. 

FOURTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1040 A. H. (1630 A.D.) 

Flight of Khan-Jahan 
. On the 4th, 'Abdu-lia Khan reached- 
Nulahi, and Saiyid Muzaifar Khan, having left Dipal- 
pur, reached Mankod on the 5 th, on his way to Mandi- 
sor, when he learnt that the rebels had turned off to the 
right. On the 6th, he again marched and came to Tal- 
ganw, and on that day 'Abdu-lla Khan came up from 
the rear and joined him. There they heard that the 
rebels were ten kos distant the day before, and had 
moved off that very morning. So they hastened off in 
pursuit. On the 10th they encamped at Khiljipur, and 
ascertained that the rebels were moving towards Sironj. 
The royal forces reached Sironj on the 14th and foimd 
that the rebels had come there two days previously. 
Khwaja Baba-e Aftab got into the city just before their 
arrival, and joining Khwaja 'Abdul Hadi, who was in 
the place, beat off the rebels, who only succeeded in 
carrying off fifty of the royal elephants. 

^••S. W. of Mandu. 

'^Between Mandu and Vjjain. 

""Noulai" or "Nowlye," 60 miles N. of Mandu, 



Khan-Jaban and Darya Khan now found the roadis 
closed on all sides against them. Every day that came 
they looked upon as their last, so in their despair they 
proceeded on the right from Sinroj, and entered the 
country of the Bundela, intending to push on to Kalpi, 
Jajhar Singh Bundela had incurred the royal censure 
because his son Bikramajit hadS allowed Khan-Jahan on 
his flight from Agra to pass through his territory and so 
reach the Dakhin. Bikramajit, to atone for his fault, and 
to remove the disgrace of his father, went in pursuit of 
the fugitives, and on the 17th came up with the rear- 
guard under Darya Khan, and attacked it with great 
vigour. That doomed one, under the intoxication of 
temerity or of wine, disdained to fly, and in his turn 
attacked. A musket-ball pierced his brainless skull, and 
his son was also killed. The Bundelas attacked him 
under the impression that, he was Khan-Jahan, but that 
crafty one hastened from the field in another direction. 
Bikramajit cut off the head of Darya Khan, and also of 
his son, and sent them to Court, thus atoning for his 
former fault. Nearly four hundred Afghans and two 
hundred Bundelas were slain in the fight. For this 
service Bikramajit received the title of Jag-raj, and was 
advanced to the dignity of 2,000 personal and 2,000 


. 'Azam Khan, having ascended the 
pass of Anjan-dudh encamped three kos from Dharuir. 
He then directed Multafit Khan and others to make an 
attack upon the town of Dharur and its petta, where 
once a week people from all parts, far and near, were 
accustomed to meet for buying and selling. The fort of 
Dharur was celebrated throughout the Dakhin for its 
strength and munitions of war. It was built upon the 
top of a ridge, and deep rivers of difficult passage ran 
on two sides of it. It was so secure that any effort upon 



it by the royal army was likely to prove unsuccessful; 
so Marhamat Khan was directed to plunder the town 
and petta, but not to make any attempt upon the fort^ 
ress. . . . The garrison b^ame disheartened, arid remiss 
in their duty. . . . On the 23rd Jumada-s sani Marhamat 
Khan made his way in with a party of men, and opened 
the wicket. 'Azam Khan then entered with all his 
ofiScers, and nearly two thousand men scaled the walls 
and got into the fort. All the vast munitions, the 
jewels, etc. became spoil of war. 


The unhappy Khan-Jahan was greatly dis- 
tressed and dismayed by the death of Darya Khan. 
Having no hope except in evasion, he fled and sought 
obscurity; but the royal forces pursued him closely. On 
the 28th Jumada-s sani, on arriving at the village of 
Nimi, in the country of Bhander,^* the royal army 
learned that Khan-Jahan was about eight kos from that 
place. The long march they had made, and the com- 
pany of.,many men who had been wounded in Jag-raj's 
action, prevented the royal forces from marching very 
early, but they drew near to the rebel. 

Khan-Jahan, on hearing of their approach, sent oft 
some of his Afghans, whose horses were knocked up, with 
the little baggage that was left; while he himself, with 
nearly a thousand horse, prepared to encounter Muzaffar 
Khan. The fight was sharp, great valour was exhibited, 
and many fell on both sides. . . . Khan-Jahan was 
wounded, his son Mahmud Was killed with many of his 
followers, and further resistance was useless; so he again 
fled. Being hard pressed, he was every now and then 

"TAe text has Bandhu. Khafi Khan (vol. i p 40) 
caUs it "Bhanduf but a MS. has Bhander, which is 
right. It lies N.E. of Jhansi.—Ain-i Akbari. vol i a 
505. ■ ^' 



obliged to abandon an dephant, so that before reaching 
Kalinjar twenty elephants had fallen into the hands of 
the pursuers, and some were caught by Raja Amar Singh. 
Bandher. When Khan-Jahan approached Kalinjar, 
Saiyid Ahmad, the commandant of that fortress, came 
out to attack, him. He killed several men, r and took 
some prisoners. Hasan, another son of Khan-Jahan, was 
made prisoner; with him were captured twenty-two oi 
the royal elephants, which Khan-Jahan had taken at 
Sironj. Khan-Jahan lost his tugh and banner, and fled 
with a handful of followers. By great exertion he 
travelled twenty kos that day, and reached the borders, 
of Sahenda^*' where he was to end his mortal life. 
'Abdu-lla Khan Bahadur and Saiyid MuzaSar Khan: 
pursued him closely with their forces in array. 

Khan-Jahan was much afflicted at the loss of bis- 
sons and faithful followers. All hope of escape was cut 
off; so he told his followers that he was weary of life, 
that he had reached the end of his career, and there was. 
no longer any means of deliverance for him; he desired 
therefore, that every man should make off as best he 
could. A few determined to stand by him to the last, 
but many fled. The advanced forces of the royal army 
under Madhu Singh now came up. Khan-Jahan with- 
his son 'Aziz, who was the dearest of all, and Aimal, and 
the Afghans, who remained constant, placed their two- 
remaining elephants in front, and advanced to meet 
Muzaffar Khan. They made their charge, and when 
Khan-Jahan found that they were determined to take 
him, he alighted from his horse and fought desparately.. 
In the midst of the struggle Madhu Singh pierced him 
with a spear, and before Muzaffar Khan could come up. 

""The tank of Sindraha." — Khafi Khan, vol. i. p. 
44. Blochmann gives the name as "Sehonda." It lies- 
north of Kalinjar on the Ken.—Ain-i Akbari, vol. i. p 


'abdv-i. haMid lahori 

the bravt fellows ait Khan-Jahan. his dear son 'Aziz and 
'Aimal, to pieces. About a hundred of his adherents 
fell, and their heads were cut off, but a party escaped. 
A grandson of Saiyid Muzaffar Khan and twenty-seven 
other royalists were slain. The he^Cds of Khan-Jahan, 
'Aziz and Aimal were sent to the Imperial Court. Farid, 
a son of Khan-Jahan, was taken and placed in confine- 
ment. Another son, named Jan-i Jahan, had fled and 
taken refuge in Sahenda with the mother of Bahadui 
Khan. 'Abdu-lla Khan sent for him, and then despatched 
him in aistody to Court. ._ . . The heads of the rebels 
were placed over the ^'^te of the fort. After their 
victory, 'Abdu-lla Khan and Saiyid Muzaffar Khan came 
to Court, and received many marks of favour. The 
former was advanced to a mansab of 6,000 and 6,000 
horse, and he received the title Firoz-Jang. Saiyid 
Muzaffar Khan was promoted to a mansab o'f 5,000 and 
5,000 horse. He received the title Khan-Jahan. 


'Azam Khan was in the neigh- 
bourhood of Parenda,^' intent upon the reduction of 
that fortress, and the capture of the elephants and stores 
which had been sent there. . . . He sent Raja Jai Singh 
with a detachment to ravage the town and petta: The 
Raja first plundered the petta, which was about a kos 
distant on the left of the fortress. He then attacked the 
town, which was surrounded by a mud (kham) wall five 
gaz high and three gaz thick, and by a ditch of three 
cubits (sih zara') broad (?). H^ broke through the walls 
by means of his elephants, and the musketeers of the 
garrison then fled into the ditch of the foA. The town 
was plundered. 'Azam Khan then arrived, . . . and 

^^Near the Sina river on the route from Ahmad- 
nagar to Sholapur. It is about sixty miles S. W. cf 



entered the town, to setaire the elephants belonging to 
the enemy, which had been taken into the ditch of the 
fortress. Seven elephants were seized and brought out, 
and much other booty was secured. . . . 'Azam Khan 
pressed the siege, and the troops drove zigzags*' up to 
the edge of the ditch in three places, and began to fill 
it up. He raised a battery exactly opposite the gate of 
the fortress, at the distance of an arrow-shot from the 
moat. He then pushed his zigzags to the very edge of 
the moat, and there raised a battery, to which the men 
in the Sher-Haji*" found it very difficult to reply. 

It now became evident that 'Adil Khan, through 
bis tender years, had no real power, but that the reiiu 
of government were in the hands of a slave named Daulat, 
who had been originally a minstrel (kulawant), and 
whom the King's father, Ibrahim 'Adil, had ennobled 
with the title of Daulat Khan, and had placed in com- 
mand of the fortress of Bijapur. This ungrateful in- 
famous fellow, after the death of Ibrahim, assumed the 
title "Khawass Khan," and delivered the government 
over to a mischievous turbulent brahman, named Murari 
Pandit. This same Daulat put out the eyes of Darwesh 
Muhammad, the eldest son of Ibrahim 'Adil Khan by 
the daughter of Kutbu-1 Mulk, and demanded' his 
daughter in marriage, thus bringing to infamy the name 
and honour of his indulgent patron. The 'Adil-Khanis 
and the Nizam-Shahis had now made common cause and 
were united. 

The siege of Parenda had gone on for a month. 
Provender had throughout been difficult to procure, and 
now no grass was to be found within twenty kos. , So 

^*"Kucha-e salamat," ways of safety. 

^"This is not a proper name. There was a Sher-Hdfi 
also at Kandahar, and at many other places. It is ap- 
parently an advanced work, and probably bears the name 
of its inventor. 


'abdu-i. hamid lahori 

'Azam Khan was obliged to raise the siege, and to go to 
Dharur. . . . The 'Adil-Khanis, retreated before 'Azam 
Khan, and he encamped on the banks of the Wanjira. 
Next day he captured the town and fort of Balni, which 
the inhabitants defended in the hope of receiving assist- 
ance. After plundering the place, he marched to 
Mandu^^ and from Mandu to Dharur. 


. During the past year no rain had 
fallen in the territories of the Balaghat, and the drought 
had been especially severe about Daulatabad. In the 
present year also there had been a deficiency in the 
bordering countries, and a total want in the Dakhin and 
Gujarat. The inhabitants of these two countries were 
reduced to the direst extremity. Life was offered for a 
loaf,^^ but none would buy; rank was to be sold for a 
cake, but none cared for it; the ever-bounteous hand was 
now stretched out to beg for food; and the feet which 
had always trodden the way of contentment walked about 
only in search of sustenance. For a long time dog's 
flesh was sold for goat's flesh, and the pounded bones 
of the dead were mixed with flour and sold. When this 
was discovered, the sellers were brought to justice. 
Destitution at length reached such a pitch that men 
began to devour each other, and the flesh of a son was 
preferred to his love. The numbers of the dying caused 
obstructions in the roads, and every man whose dire 
sufferings did not terminate in death and who retained 
the power to move wandered off to the towns and 
villages of other countries. Those lands which had been 
famous for their fertility and plenty now retained no 
trace of productiveness. . . . The Emperor in his gracious 

^^So in the text; but the maps give no such name 
between Parenda and Dharur. 
^^"Jane ba nane." 



kindness and bounty directed the officials of Burlianpur. 
Ahmadabad, and the country of Surat, to establish soup 
kitcheiis, or alms-houses, such as are called langer in th(; 
language of Hindustan, for the benefit of the poor and 
destitute. Every day sufficient soup and bread was 
prepared to satisfy the wants of the hungry. It was 
further ordered that so long as His Majesty remained at 
Burhanpur 5,000 rupees should be distributed among 
the deserving poor every Monday, that day being dis' 
tinguished above all others as the day of the Emperor's 
accession to the throne. Thus, on twenty Mondays one 
lac of rupees was given away in charity. Ahmadabad 
had suffered more severely than any other place, and so 
His Majesty ordered the officials to distribute 50,000 
rupees among the famine-stricken people. Want of rain 
and dearness of grain had caused great distress in many 
other countries. So under the directions of the wise and 
generous Emperor taxes amounting to nearly seventy 
lacs of rupees were remitted by the revenue officers — a 
sum amounting to nearly eighty krors of dams, and 
amounting to one-eleventh part of the whole revenue. 
When such remissions were made from the exchequer, 
it may be conceived how great were the reductions made 
by the nobles who held jagirs and mansabs. 


Siphadar Khan, after obtaining 
possession of the fort of Taltam (by the treachery of the 
garrison), laid seige to Situnda'^ by command of the 
EmperioT, and pressed the place very hard. Sidi Jamal, 
the governor, offered to surrender on terms which were 
?greed to; so he and his family came out, and the fort 
passed into the possession of the Imperialists. 


(p. 374). Nasiri Khan had been placed in command of 
^^About fifty miles N. E. from Aurangabad. 


'aBDU-L HAMll) L.AHOkl 

a force, with instructions to conquer the kingdom ol 
Telingana. He resolved upon reducing the fort ol 
Kandahar," which was exceedingly strong, and the most 
famous one of that country. It was under the command 
of Sadik, the son of Yakut Khudawand Khan, and was 
in full state of preparation. On the 23rd Jumada-1 
awwal he encamped one hos from the fortress. Next 
day he prepared to attack the town of Kandahar; but 
before reaching the place he was opposed by Sarfaraz 
Khan, the general commanding in that country, who had 
taken up a position between the fort and the town, and 
having covered his front with artillery, awaited the 
attack. He was protected also by the guns and muskets 
of the fortress. The royal army attacked with great 
vigour, and killed a great many of the enemy. Sarfaraz 
Khan with a few followers fled to the Nizam-Shahis. 
After this Nasiri Khan pushed on the siege. . . . Randaula, 
Mukarrab Khan, and others, with a united force of 
'Adil-Khanis and Nizam-Shahis, camp up to attack him 
in his trenches. Undismayed by this fresh enemy, he 
boldly faced his assailants; and although he had also to 
bear the lire of the gims and muskets of the fortress, he 
defeated them with considerable loss, and compelled 
them to fall back a distance of three kos. 

Out of twenty-one mines which had been opened, 
six were complete; three were charged with powder, and 
three were kept in reserve. 'Azam Khan, who had 
marched to support Nasiri Khan, now approached, aqd 
Nasiri Khan went forth to meet him, and to bring hiip 
to see the springing of the mines and the assault upo|i 
the fortress. The match was applied to the three jnines: 
one failed, but the other two brought down the wall of 
the Sher-Haji with half a bastion. The garrison kept 
np a discharge of rockets, mortars, stones and grenades. 

''^Ahoiit seventy-five miles E. of Dharur, and 
tiventyfive S. W. of Nander. 



but the storming parties pressed on. I'he conflict raged 
^lom mid-day tul sunset, but the wall of the fortress 
was not sufficiendy levelled, and the defenders kept up 
such a heavy lire that the assailants were forced to retire. 
At night the trenches were carried forward, and prepara- 
tions were made for firing the other mines. The gar- 
rison saw that the place must fall, and .... made offers 
of surrender, which were accepted and the Im^perial 
troops took possession of the fortress. . . . The siege had 
lasted four months and nineteen days, and the place fell 
on the 15th Shawwal. 


On the 17th Zi-1 ka'da^ 1040, died 
Nawab 'Aliya Begam,^^ in the fortieth year of her age, 
to the great grief of her husband the Emperor. . . . She 
had borne him eight sons and six daughters. The third 
child and eldest son was Muhammad Dara Shukoh, the 
forth Muhammad .Shah Shuja, the sixth Muhammad 
Aurangzeb, the tenth Murad Bakhsh. 


(p. 395). A letter from Sipahdar Khan informed the 
Emperor how Fath Khan, feeling that his release from 
confinement by Nizam Shah had been a matter of neces- 
sity, and that he would be imprisoned again as soon as 
his master's mind was at ease, he had resolved to be 
beforehand with him, and had placed Nizam Shah in 
confinement, as his faher Malik 'Ambar had done 
before. . . . Fath Khan then addressed a letter to 
Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan, informing him that he had 
placed Nizam Shah in confinement on account of his 
evil character and his enmity to the Imperial throne, for 
which act he hoped to receive some mark of favour. 

^^ Otherwise called "Mumtaz Mahal." She died in 
childbirth — Khafi Khan, vol. i. p. 459. 



Jn answer he was told that if he wished to prove his 
sincerity, he should rid the world of such a worthless 
and wicked being. On receiving this direction^ Fatb 
Khan secretly made away with Nizam Shah, but gave 
out that he had died a natural death. <He placed Nizam 
Shah's son Husain, a lad of ten years old, on the throne 
HS his successor. He reported these facts to the Imperial 
iCourt, and was directed to send the jewels and valu- 
ables of the late king, and his own eldest son as a host- 


. Muhammad 'Adil Khan (of Bija- 
pur), through youth, inexperience, and evil counsellors, 
especially a slave named Daulat (who had assmned the 
title of Khawase Khan), had shown himself unfaithful 
to the Imperial throne, and regardless of the allegiance 
paid by his father. The Emperor commissioned Yaminu-d 
daula Asaf Khan to arouse him from, his negligence and 
disregard of his duty. Asaf Khan was empowered to 
demand from him a return to obedience and the pay- 
ment of tribute.^* If he agreed to those terms, he was 
to be left alone; if not, as much as possible of his ter- 
ritory was to be conquered, and the rest laid waste. 

FIFTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1041 A.H. (1631 A.D.) 

Campaign against Bijapur 

Asaf Khan proceeded on his expedition, and 
arrived at Nander, where he remained two days. There 
he left the main part of his army, and proceeded express 
to the fort of Kandahar, which he inspected. One stage 
further on he came to the fort of Bhalki.'' . . . Orders 
were given for the reduction of the place, and entrench- 
ments were commenced, but it was resolved to attempt 

^^The Shah-Jahan-nama says that the surrender of 
the fort of Parenda was to be also required. 
^^Twenty-fives miles N. W. of Bidr. 



the capture o£ the place by escalade at night. The gar- 
rison got notice of this, and evacuated the place ynder 
cover of darkness. . . . Asaf Khan then marched towards 
.Kalanor, a flourishing place belonging to 'Adil Khan. 
When he arrived at Sultanpur, near the city of Kulbarga, 
the general in command had taken the principal inhabi- 
tants into the fort of Kulbarga, which was well armed 
with guns, muskets, and other instruments of war. Next 
day 'Azam Khan, under the directions of Asaf Khan, 
made an attack upon the town, and caried it, notwith- 
standing a heavy fire from the fort. 

The victors plundered whatever they could lay their 
hands on, and captured many horses in the ditch of the 
fortress. Asaf Khan did not deem it expedient to 
attempt the reduction of the fortress, as it would have 
been a dii&cult undertaking and a cause of delay; so he 
retired, and encamped near the river Nahnura. Then 
he advanced to the vicinity of Bijapur, and encamped 
on the borders of a tank between Nauras-pur'* and 
Shahpur. The enemy every day came out of the ditch 
into the plain, and there was a warm interchange of 
rockets, arrows, and musketry. But although the enemy 
kept up also a heavy fire from the fortifications, they were 
reg^arly driven back to the shelter of the walls. 

Asaf Khan used to take every precaution for the 
safety of the detachments which went out every day to 
collect fodder, but the army was large and the animals 
numerous, so this was no easy matter. 

The enemy were constantly on the alert, and struck 
whenever they got an opportunity. ... At the beginning 
a man named Shaikh Dabir, one of the confidants of 
Khawass Khan, came out with overtures of peace and 
ofiEers of tribute; but as they were not worthy of trust, 
they were rejected. Afterwards Mustafa Khan, son-in- 

"The text has "Nttr-siyur," but the index of Names 
corrects it. 


'abdu-l hamid iaiioki 

law of Mulla Muhammad Lahari, kept up a secret cor- 
respondence with Asaf Khan, expressing his devotion 
and proposing to admit the Imperial troops into the 
fortress. . . . After much negotiation, ir%as agreed that 
Mustafa Khan and Khairiyat Khan Habshi, uncle of 
Randaula, should come to Asaf Khan and arrange for 
the transmission of tribute and the settlement of the 
terms of peace. Accordingly both came out of Bijapur 
.... and it was finally agreed that 'Adil Khan should 
send tribute to the value of forty lacs of rupees in jewels, 
valuables, elephants, and money, and that he should 
ever after remain faithful to his allegiance. A treaty in 
these terms was accordingly drawn up. . . . The two- 
negotiators returned to Bijapur, and Shaikh 'Abdu-r 
Rahim Khairabadi went in with them to obtain 'Adil 
Khan's sigTiature to the treaty. 

On the third day the Shaikh was sent back with a 
message that they would send out their' own wakils with 
the treaty. Next day the came out with certain proposi- 
tions that Asaf Khan considered reasonable, and he 
accepted them. It was agreed that the treaty should be 
sent out next day. As they were about to depart, one 
of the wakils, who was a confidant of Mustafa Khan, 
dropped a letter of his before Asaf Khan without the 
knowledge of his companion. The letter said that 
Khawass Khan was well aware that provender was very 
scarce in the Imperial army; that the fetching of grass 
and fuel from long distances was a work of great toil 
to man and beast; and that m consequence it would be 
mipossible for the Imperial army to maintain its posi- 
tion more than a few days longer. Khawass Khan had 
therefore resolved to have recourse to artifice and pro- 
crastination, in the expectation that Asaf Khan would 
be obliged to raise the siege and retire baffled. 

The siege had lasted twenty days, and during that 
time no com had reached the army, and before its 
arrival the enemy had laid waste all the country round 



and carried o£E the grain to distant places. The provi- 
sions which the army had brought with it were all 
exhausted, and grain had risen to the price of one rupee 
per sir. Men and beasts were sinking. So it was 
resolved, after consultation, that the royal army should 
remove from Bijapur into some better supplied part of 
the enemy's country, that the Imperial army might be 
recruited, and the territory of the enemy be wasted at 
the same time. With this intention the royal arm^ 
marched along the bank of the Kishan Gang^' to Rai- 
bagh and Miraj,*" two of the richest places in that 
country. Wherever they found supplies they rested, 
and parties were sent out to plunder in all directions. 
On whatever road they went they killed and made 
prisoners, and ravaged and laid waste on jth sides. 
From the time of their entering the territories to the 
time of their departure they kept up this devastation 
and plunder. The best part of the country was trodden 
under, and so, the forces had recovered strength and the 
rains were near, the royal army passed by the fort of 
Sholapur, and descended by the passes into the Imperial 
territories. 16,000 men of the enemy, who had followed 
rhem to Sholapur, then turned back to Bijapur. 


(Text. vol. i. p. 421). The Emperor being tired of his 
residence at Burhanpur, re olvtd .o return to the capital; 
so he set out on the ?4th Ramazan, . . . and arrived 
there on the 1st Zi-1 hijja, 1041 A.H. 

Affairs in the Dakhin had not been managed so well 
as they ought to have been by 'Azam Khan; so a mandate 

^^The Klstna or Krishna. 

^'Miraj is on the left bank of the Kistna, about 
thirty miles E. of Kolapur. Raibagh is about twenty-five- 
miles lower to the S.E., and on the other side of the 


was sent to Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan, informing 
him that the government of Khandesh and the Dakhin 
bad been conferred upon him, and he was directed to 
make the necessary preparations as quickly as possible, 
and start from Dehli to meet flie Emperor and receive 
instructions. Yaminu-d daula Asaf Khan, with 'Azam 
Khan and other nobles under his command, were direct- 
ed to return to Court. 


(p. 434). Under the rule of the Bengalis (dar'ahdi 
Bangaliyan) a party of Frank merchants, who are inhabi- 
tants of Sundip, came trading to Satganw. One kus 
above that place, they occupied some ground on the bank 
of the estuary.*^ Under the pretence that a building was 
necessary for their transactions in buying and selling, 
they erected several houses in the Bengali style. In 
course of time, through the ignorance and negligence 
of the rulers of Bengal, these Europeans increased in 
number, and erected large substantial buildings, which 
they fortified with cannons, muskets, and other imple- 
ments of war. In due course, a considerable place grew 
up, which was known by the name of the Port of Hugli 
On one side of it was the river, and on the other three 
sides was a ditch hlled from the river. European ships 
used to go up to the port, and a trade was established 
there. The markets of Satganw declined and lost their 
prosperity, The villages and districts of Hugli were on 
both sides of the river, and these the Europeans got 
possession of at a low rent. Some of the inhabitants by 
force, and more by hopes of gain, they infected with their 
Nazarene teaching, and sent them off in ships to Europe. 
In the hope of an everlasting reward, but in reality ot 
an exquisite torture, they consoled themselves with 

**The word used is khur, 'an estuary," here ap- 
parently meaning a tidal river. 



the profits of their trade for the loss of rent which arose 
from the removal of the cultivators. These hateful 
practices were not con£bed to the lands they occupied, 
but they seized and carried off every one they could lay 
their hands upon along the sides of the river. 

These proceedings had come under the notice of the 
Emperor before his accession, . . and he resolved to put 
an end to them if ever he ascended the throne, that the 
coinage might always bear the stamp of the glorious 
dynasty, and the pulpit might be graced with its khutba. 
After his accession, he appointed Kasim Khan to the 
government of Bengal, and . . . impressed upon him the 
duty of overthrowing these mischievous people. He 
was ordered, as soon as he attended to the necessary 
duties of his extensive province, to set about the exter* 
mination of the pernicious intruders. Troops were to 
be sent both by water and land, so that this difficult 
enterprise might be quickly and easily accomplished. 

Kasim Khan set about making his preparations, and 
at the close of the cold season, in Sha'ban, 1040 A.H.. 
he sent his son 'Inayatu-ulla with Allah Yar Khan, who 
was to be the real commander of the army, and several 
other nobles, to effect the conquest of Hugli. He also 
sent Bahadur Kambu, an active and intelligent servant 
of his, with the force under his command, under the 
pretence of taking possession of the Khalisa lands at 
Makhsusabad, but really to join- Allah Yar Khan at the 
proper time. Under the apprehension that the ingdels. 
upon getting intelligence of the march of the armies, 
would put their families on board ships, and so escape 
from destruction to the disappointment of the warriors 
of Islam, it was given out that the forces were marching 
to attack Hijli. Accordingly it was arranged that Allah 
Yaf Khan should halt at Bardwan, which lies in the 
direction of Hijli, until he received intelligence of 
Khwaja Sher and others, who had been ordered to pro- 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

"cecd in boats from Sripur'- to cut ofiE the retreat of the 
iiniigis. When the tiotilia arrived at Mohana, which isi 
a dahna^"- of the HugU, Allah Yar Khan was to marcfi 
with all expedition from Bardwan to Hugii, and fall 
upon the infidels. Upon being informed that Khwaja 
Sher and his companions had arrived at the dahnur 
Allah Yar Khan made a forced march from Bardwan, anU 
in a night and day reached the village of Haldipur, 
between Satganw and Hugli. At the same time he was 
joined by Bahadur Kambu, who arrived from Makhsu- 
sabad, with 500 horse and a large force of infantry. Then 
he hastened to the place where Khwaja Sher had 
brought the boats, and between Hugli and the sea, in. 
a narrow part of the river, he formed a bridge of boats 
so that ships could not get down to the sea; thus the- 
flight of the enemy was prevented. 

On the 2nd Zi-1 hijja, 1041. the attack was made on 
the Firingis by the boatmen on the river, and by the 
forces on land. An inhabited place outside of the ditch 
was taken and plundered, and the occupants were slain. 
Detachments were then ordered to the villages and 
places on both sides of the river, so that all the Chris 
tians found there might be sent to hell. Having killed 
or captured all the infidels, the warriors carried off the 
families of their boatmen, who were all Bengalis. Four 
thousand boatmen, whom the Bengalis called ghrabi, 
then left the Firingis and joined the victorious army 
This was a great discouragement to the Christians. 

The royal army was engaged for three months and 
a half in the siege of this strong place. Sometimes the 
infidels fought, sometimes they made overtures of peace, 
protracting the time in hopes of succour from their 
countrymeri. With base treachery they pretended to 
make proposals of peace, and sent nearly a lac of rupees 

** Serampore. * 

*^Qy. Bengali dahra, a lake. 



as tribute, while at the same time they ordered 7.000 
musketeers who were in their service to open fire. So 
heavy was it that many of the trees of a grove in which 
a large force of the besiegers was posted were stripped 
of their branches and leaves. 

At length the besiegers sent their pioneers to work 
upon the ditch, just by the church, where it was not so 
broad and deep as elsewhere. There they dug chaniiels 
and drew off the water. Mines were then driven on 
from the trenches, but two of these were discovered by 
the enemy and counteracted. The centre mine was 
carried under an edifice which was loftier and stronger 
than all the other buildings, and where a large number 
of Firingis were stationed. This was charged and tam- 
ped. On the 14th Rabi'u-l awwal the besieger's forces 
were drawn up in front of this building, in order to 
allure the enemy to that part. When a large number 
were assembled, a heavy fire was opened; and the mine, 
was fired. The building was blown up, and the many 
infidels who had collected around it were sent flying into 
the air. The warriors of Islam rushed to the assaulp 
Some of the infidels found their way to hell by the 
water, but some thousands succeeded in making their 
way to the .ships. At this juncture Khwaja Sher came 
up with the boats, and killed many of the fugitives. 

These foes of the faith were afraid lest one large 
ship, which had n,early two thousand men and women 
and much oropertv on board, should fall into thp hand? 
of the Muhammadans; so they fired the magazine and 
blew her up. Many others who were on board the 
frharhs set fire to their vessels, and turned their faces 
towards hell. Out of the sixtv-four large dinfras, fiftv- 
seven ghrahs and 200 jaliyas. one frhrah and two iaJivaa 
escaped, in consequence of some fire from the burning 
ships having fallen upon some boats laden with oil, 
which burnt a way through ^the bridge of boats). Wfho- 
ever escaped from the water and fire became a prisoner. 



From the beginning of the siege to the conclusion, men 
and women, old and young, altogether nearly 10,000 oi 
the enemy were killed, being either blown up witn 
powder, drowned in water, or Dumt by fire. Nearly l,00t) 
brave waniors of the Imperial army obtained the glory 
of martyrdom. 4,400 Christians of both sexes were 
taken prisoners, and nearly 10,000 inhabitants of the 
neighbouring country who had been kept in confine- 
ment by these tyrants were set at liberty. 


(Text, vol. i. p. 442.) After Fath Khan, son of Malik 
'Ambar, had put Nizam Shah to death, Mahmud Khan, 
the commandant of the fort of Galna, repudiated his 
authority, and put the fortress in a state of defence, 
intending to deliver it over to Sahu-ji Bhonsla, who, un- 
mindful of the favours he had received from the Im- 
perial throne, had strayed from the path of obedience, 
and had possessed himself of Nasik, Trimbak, Sangam- 
nir and Junir, as far as the country of Kokan. He had 
got into his power one of the relatives of the late Nizam 
Shah, who had been confined in one of the strongest 
fortresses in the kingdom, and raised the banner of 
independence. He (Mahmud Khan)^* wished to deli- 
ver the fort over to him. Khan-zaman, who was acting 
as deputy of his father in the government of the Dakhin, 
Birar and Khandesh, when he was informed of Mahmud 
Khan's proceedings, wrote to Mir Kasim Khan Harawi. 
commandant of the fort of Aliang, which is near to 
Galna. He directed him to endeavour by promises ot 
Imperial favour to win him over, and prevent the sur- 
render of the fortress to Sahu-ji Bhonsla. Mir Kasim 
communicated with Mahmud Khan on the subject, and 
the latter invited the Mir to come to him. After a good 

**This seems to be the sense of the passage, hut it is 



deal of talk. Mahmud Khan assented to the position, ^d 
in the hope of a great reward delivered over the fort to. 
the representatives of the. Emperor. 

SIXTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1042 A.H. (1632 A.D.) 

rrext, vol. i. p. 449). Bhagirat Bhil, chief of the dis- 
affected in the province of Malwa, relying on the numbei 
of his followers and the strength of his fort of Khata- 
khiri,"*^ had refused obedience to the governors of Malwa. 
He ventured to show his disaffection to Nusrat Khan, 
when he was governor, and the Khan marched from 
Sarangpur to chastise him. The Khan's fame as a sol- 
dier had its effect. The rebel gave up all hope of resist- 
ance, and, seeking an introduction to Nusrat Khan 
through Sangram, Zamindar of Kanur, he surrendered 
his fortress. 


(p. 449.) It had been brought to the notice of His 
Majesty that during the late reign many idol temples 
had been begun, but remained unfinished, at Benares, 
the great stronghold of infidelity. The infidels were 
now desirous of completing them. His Majesty, the de- 
fender of the faith, gave orders that at Benares, and 
throughout all his dominions in every place, all temples ' 
that had been begun should be cast down. It was now 
reported from the province of Allahabad that seventy-six 
temples had been destroyed in the district of Benares. 


(p. 496). Fath Khan, son of 'Ambar Habshi, conceiv- 
ing his interest to lie in making submission to the Em- 
peror, had sent his son, 'Abdu-r Rusul, with a suitable 
offering to the foot of that Imperial throne, prc'"essing 
obedience and praying for favour. The Emperor graci- 

*' "Kuntharkera," in Malcolm's Map of Central - 
India, on the Kalt Sind, about thirty miles N. of Ujjain. 



ously bestowed upon him some districts which had form- 
erly belonged to him, but had been since given to 
Sahu-ji Bhonsla. Now, in compliance with the request 
of Fath Khan, they were restored to him. This gave 
great offence to the turbulent Sahu-ji, who went aiid 
joined the Bijapuris, and induced 'Adil Khan to place 
him in command of a force lor wresting the fortress of 
Daulatabad from the hands of Fath Khart. The latter 
was much incensed against the Nizam-Shahis, and had 
no faith in them; so he wrote to Khan-khanan Mahabat 
Khan, informing him that Sahu-ji Bhonsla was prepar- 
ing to bring a force from Bijapur against him, and that, 
as the fortress was ill provisioned, there was great prob- 
ability of its being taken, unless Mahabat Khan came 
to his assistance. If the Khan came quickly, he would 
surrender the fortress, and would himself proceed to the 
Imperial Court. The Khan-khanan accordingly sent 
forward his son, Khan-zaman, with an advanced force, 
and he himself followed on the 9th Jumada-s sani. 
{Khan-zaman defeats a covering army of Bijapur). 

The Bijapuris were discouraged by the chastisement 
they had received from the Imperial army, so they made 
offers of an arrangement to Fath Khan. They offered 
to leave the fortress in his possession, to give him three lac^ 
of pagodas in cash, and to throw provisions into the fort. 
That ill-starred fellow, allured by these promises. 
broke his former engagement, and entered into an alli- 
ance with them. Most of the animals in the fortress 
had died from want of provender, and the Bijapuris 
now, at the instance of Fath Khan, exerted themselves 
in getting provisions. When Khan-khanan. who was at 
Zafamagar, was informed of these proceedings, he wrote 
ID Khan-zaman directing him to make every exertion foi 
the redurtion of the fortress, and for the punishment of 
the traitor and the Bijapuris. {Skirmishes in the 

Khan-khanan, on being informed of the state ol 



affairs, marched from Zafarnagar to Daulatabad. and 
reached there on the last day of Sha'ban. Next morn- 
ing rode out with his son, Khan-zaman, to recon- 
noitre the fortress, and took up his residence in a house 
belonging to Nizam Shah at Nizampur, near the fort- 
ress. (Disposition of his forces.) He placed the artillery 
and siege material under the direction of (his son) 
Luhrasp, and ordered that a constant fire should be kept 
up from a high hill which governs the fortress, and upon 
which Raghziwara stands. He also ordered Khan-zaman 
to be constantly on the alert with 5,000 cavalry, and 
ready to render assistance wherever it might be required 
in the trenches. The Imperial army having thus invest- 
ed the place, and formed trenches, pushed on the siege, 
running zigzags, forming mines and preparing scaling 

Fath Khan placed the son of Nizam Shah in the 
Kala-kot (black fort), which was considered impregn- 
able. He himself took post in the Maha-kot (great port), 
and the body of the forces were stationed in the omer 
works called 'Ambar-kot, because they had been raised 
by Malik 'Ambar to protect the place against the ad- 
vance of the Imperial power. (Defeat of many attempts 
to victual and reliene the fortress from without, and of 
sorties from within.) 

On the 9th Shawwal a mine Which had been formeci 
from the trenches of Khan-zaman was charged, and the 
forces having been named for the assault, were ordered 
to assemble in the trenches before break of day. The 
mine was to be fired at the first appearance of dawn, 
and upon the walls being blown down, the stormers 
were to rush into the fort. By mistake the mine was 
fired an hour before dawn, and before the storming 
parties were ready. Twenty-eight gaz of the walls nnd 
twelve gaz of the bastion was blown awav, and a wide 
breaqh was made. But the troops not having arrived, 
no entry was effected. The defenders rushed to the 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

breach, and kept up such a rain of arrows, buUets, and 
lockea, that the storming party was obliged to take re 
£uge in the trenches. Then they exerted diemselves u> 
stop the breach with palisades and planks. The com- 
mander of the Imperial army desired to dismount and 
lead the assult. but Nasiri Khan urged that it was against 
all the rules of warfare for the commander-in-chief to 
act in such a way. He himself would lead the storming 
party, trusting in God and hoping for the favour of the 
Emperor. Khan-khanan directed Mahes Das RathoP 
and others to support him. The Imperial troops rushed 
to the breach, and the defenders made a desperate resist- 
ance; but Nasiri Khan, although wounded, forced his 
way in upon the right, and Raja Bihar Singh and other 
Hindus upon the lieft. They were fiercely encountered 
by Khairiyat Khan Bijapuri and others with sword and 
dagger, but they at length prevailed, and drove the de- 
fenders into the ditch ol the Maha-kot for shelter. Great 
numbers of the garrison fell under the swords of the vic- 
tors. Thus fell the celebrated works of Malik 'Ambar, 
which were fourteen gaz in height and ten gaz in thick- 
ness, and well furnished with guns and all kinds of de- 
fences. The Imperial commander having thus achieved 
a great success, proceeded with Nasiri Khan to inspect 
the works, and immediately took steps for attacking the 
Maha-kot. (Diversion made by the enemy in the direc- 
tion of Birar. Another attempt by Randaula and Sahu- 
ji to relieve the fortress.) 

With great perseverance the besiegers pushed a mine 
under the Maha-kot, and Fath Khan was so much alarm- 
ed that he sent his wives and family into the Kala-kot. 
He himself, with Khairiyat Khan, uncle of Randaula,. 
and some other Bijapuris, remained in the Maha-kot: 
The Bijapuris being greatly depressed by the scarcity o£ 
food and the progress of the Imperial arms, sought per- 
mission through Malu-ji to be allowed to escape secret- 
ly, and to go to their master. Khan-khanan sent a writ- 



ten consent, and by kind words encouraged their droop 
ing spirits. Nearly two iiundred oi: them after night- 
fall aescended by a ladder fastened to the battlements. 
Kiian-khanan sent for them, and consoled them with- 
kind words and presents. {Several more attempts to 
relieve the fortress). 

On the 25th Zi-1 ka'da, the commander-in-chief 
visited the trenches. He went to Saiyid 'Alawal, whose 
post was near the mine of the Sher-Haji of the Maha-kot,. 
and determined that the mine should be blown up. 
Fath Khan got notice of this, and in the extremity of 
his fear he sent his wakil to Khan-khan an, and with 
great humility represented that he had bound himself 
to the 'Adil-Khanis by the most solemn compact not to 
make peace without their approval. He therefore wish- 
ed to send one of his followers to Murari Pandit, to let 
him know how destitute the fort was of provisions, and 
how hard it was pressed by the besiegers. He also want- 
ed the Pandit to send wakils to settle with him the terms 
of peace and the surrender of the fort. He therefore 
begged that the explosion of the mine might be deferred 
for that day, so that there might be time for an answer 
to come from Murari Pandit. Khan-khanan knew very 
well that there was no sincerity in his proposal, and 
that he only wanted to gain a day by artifice; so he 
replied that if Fath Khan wished to delay the explosion 
for a day, he must immediately send out his son as a 

When it had become evident that Fath Khan did 
not intend to send his son out, the mine was exploded. 
A bastion and fifteen yards of the wall were blown up. 
The brave men who awaited the explosion rushed for- 
ward, and heedless of the fire from all sorts of arms 
which fell upon them from the top of the Maha-kot,. 
they made their way in. The commander-in-chief now 
directed that Saiyid 'Alawal and others whir-held the 
trenches on the outside of the ditch, opposide "the Sher 



Haji, should go inside and bravely cast up trenches in 
the interior. {Defeat of a demonstralion made by 
Murari Pandit. Surrender of the fort of Nabati near 

Fath Khan now woke up from his sleep of heedless- 
ness and security. He saw that Daulatabad could not 
resist the Imperial arms and the vigour of the Imperial 
commander. To save the honour of his own and Nizam 
Shah's women, he sent his eldest son 'Abdu-r Rusul to 
Rhan-khanan, {laying the blame of his conduct on 
Sahu-ji and ' Adil-Khanis). He begged for forgiveness 
and for a week's delay, to enable him to remove his and 
Nizam Shah's family from the fortress, while his son re- 
mained as a hostage in Khan-khanan's power. Khan- 
khanan had compassion on his fallen condition, granted 
him safety, and kept his son as .1 hostage. Fath Khan 
asked to be supplied with the means of carrying out his 
family and property, and with money for expenses. 
Khan-khanan sent him his own elephants and camels 
and several litters also ten lars and fifty thousand rupees 
in cash, belonging to the State, and demanded the sur- 
render of the fortress. Fath Khan sent the keys to Khan- 
khanan. and set about preparing for his own departure. 
Khan-khanan then placed tnistv guards over the gates. 

On the 19th Zi-1 hijja Fath Khan came out of the 
fortress and delivered it up. The fortress consisted of 
nine different works, five upon the low ground, and four 
unon the top of the hill. These with the ^ns and all 
the munitions of war were surrendered Khan-khanan 

went into the fortress, and had the h'lufha read in the 
Kmperor's name. 

The old name of the fortress of Daulatabad was 
Dco-trir. or Dharagar. Tt stands upon a rock with to- 
■\\'ers to the skv. In circumference it measures 5000 legal 
frnz. nnd the rock all round is scarped so carefully, from 
the base of the fort to the level of water, that a snake 
or an ant would ascend it with difficultv. Around it 



there is a moat forty legal yards (zara') in width, and 
thirty in depth, cut into the solid rock. In the heart of 
the rock there is a dark and tortuous passage, like the 
ascent of a minaret, and a light is required there in broad 
daylight! The steps are cut in the rock itself, and the 
bottom is closed by an iron gate. It is by this road and 
way that the fortress is entered. By the passage a large 
iron brazier had been constructed, which, when necessary, 
could be placed in the middle of it, and a fire being 
kindled in this brazier, its heat would effectually prevent 
all progress. The ordinary means of besieging a fort by 
mines, sabats, etc., are of no avail against it. . . 

Khan-khanan desired Lo leave a garrison in the 
captured fortress, and to go to Burhanpur, taking Nizam 
Shah and Fath Khan with him. The Imperial army had 
endured many hardships and privations during the 
siege. They had continually to contend against 20,000 
horse of Bijapur and Nizamu-1 ^.lulk, and to struggle 
hard for supplies. Nasiri Vhsu, who had been created 
Khan-dauran) was always ' .ady f r service, and he offered 
to take the command of the itress. So Khan-khanan 
left him and some other officers in change, and marched 
with his army to Zafamagar. . . . After reaching tha<" 
place, Murari Pandit and the Bijapuris sent Farhad, the 
father of Randaula, to treat for peace; but Khan-khanan 
knew il ' ir artfulness and perfidy, and sent him back 
again. The Bijapuris, in despair and recklessness, now 
turned back to Daulatabad. They knew that provisions 
were very scarce and the garrison small. The entrench- 
ments which the besiegers had raised were not thrown 
down, so the Bijapuris took possession of them, invested 
the fortress and fought against it. Khan-dauran, with- 
out waiting for reinforcements, boldly sallied out and 
attacked them repeatedly. By kind treatment he had 
conciliated the raiyafs of the neighbourhood, and they 
supplied him with provisions, so that he was in no want. 
As soon as Khan-khanan heard of these proceedings he 



marched for Daulatabad. The enemy finding that they 
could accomplish nothing, abandoned the siege as soon 
as they heard of the approach of Khan-khanan, and then 
retreated by Nasik and Trimbak. ^ 


(Text, vol.i.p.534) on the 11th Muharram, (1043 A.H.), 
Kasim Khan and Bahadur Kambu brought. . . . 400 
Christian prisoners, male and female, young and old, 
with the idols of their worship, to the presence of the 
faith-defending Emperor. He ordered that the principles 
of the Muhammadan religion should be explained to 
them, and that they should be called upon to adopt it. 
A few appreciated the .honour ofiEered to them and 
embraced the faith: they" experienced the kindness of the 
Emperor. But the majority in perversity and wilfulness 
rejected the proposal. These were distributed among the 
amirs, who were directed to keep these despicable wretches 
in rigorous confinement. When any one of them accep- 
ted the true faith, a report was to be made to the Emperor, 
so that provision might be made for him. Those Who 
refused were to be kept in continual confinement. So 
it came to pass that many of them passed from prison to 
hell. Such of their idols as were likenesses of the pro- 
phets were thrown into the Jumna, the rest were 
broken to pieces. 


(Text, vol. i. p. 540.) Islam Khan returned to Court, 
bringing with him the captive Nizam Shah and Path 
Khan, whom Khan-khanan Mahabat Khan had sent 
together with the plunder taken at Daulatabad. Nizam 
Shah was placed in the custody of Khan-Jahan, in the 
fort of Gwalior. . . . The crimes of Fath Khan were 
mercifully pardoned; he was admitted into the Imperial 
service, and received a khil'at and a grant of two lacs of 
rupees per annum. His property also was relinquished to 
liim, but that of Nizam Shah was confiscated. 



SEVENTH YEAR Ot REIGN, 1043 A.H. (1633 AJk.) 

<p. 545.) The Emjperar had never visited Lahore, one ot 
his chief citiesi, since his accession. He now detennined 
to proceed thither, and also to pay a visit to the peer- 
less vale of Kashmir. Accordingly he set out from Agra 
on the 3rd Shalun. 1043 H. . . JHis Majesty's sense of 
Justice and consideration far his subjects induced him to 
order that the Bakhshi of the ahadis with his archers 
should take charge of one side of the road, and the Mir- 
atish with his matchlock-men should guard the other, so 
fhat the growing crops should not be tram|ded under foot 
by the follonrers of die royal train. As. however, damage 
m^t be caused, daroghas, muskrifs and amins were 
appointed to examine and report on the extent of 
the misrhirf, so that Toiyots, and japrdars under 1000. 
mi|^t be compensated Cor the individual loss they had 

March of Prince Shah Shuja' agaitist Parenda 

(Text, voL iL p. 33.) The fortress of Parenda, belongii^ 
to Nizam Shah, was formedy besieged by 'Azam Khan, 
but, as before related, certain obstacles compelled him to 
raise the seigc 'Adil Khan {by cajolery and briber^ 
got the fort into his possession. . . The rolucticHi of this 
fonress had long been a favourite object with Khan- 
khanan, and, when Prince Shah Shuja' came near to 
Burlianpur with a fine army.. . . Khan-khanan. waited 
upon him, and advised him to undertake the reduction 
of Parenda. So the Prince, without entering Burhanpur, 
turned off and marched against that fcmxess. . . . On arriv- 
ing at Parenda, he encamped on a stream about a kos 
distant, which is the mily water to be found in the vicin- 
ity. Then he allotted the wcn'k rf constructing the 
trenches, and jdaced the general diiecdcm of die si^e 
works in the hands of Alia Vardi Khan. (Many conflicts 
and skirmishes in the neighbourhood!^ 

The e^irts of the besi^ers in the construction of 



mines were not attended with much success. The enemy 
broke into some and destroyed them, and water burst 
into others. One, constructea by Alia Vardi, in front ot 
the Sher-Haji, was fired by the Prince himself, who went 
to it by the covered way. It blew up a bastibn, but did 
not make a practicable breach. Moreover, great ill feeling 
had sprung up between Khan-khanan and Khan-dauran, 
because the latter was continually repeating that he had 
saved Khan-khanan' s life (in one of the engagements). 
All the nobles and officers also were aggrieved at the 
petulance and discourtesy of Khan-khanan. Through this 
the enemy got information about Khan-khanan' s plans, 
and were able to foil them, so that he made no progress 
in the reduction of the place. He therefore represented 
to the Prince that, although provisions were abundant, 
there was no grass or fuel within ten or twelve kos of the 
camp, so that every foraging party had to travel more 
than twenty kos. This was very distressing to the army. 
The rainy season also was at hand. So he advised a 
retreat to Burhanpur. As the Prince had been ordered 
to act upon the advice of Khan-khanan, the army retrea- 
ted on the 3rd Zi-1 hijja. 


(Text, 'vol. ii. p. 59.) On the 14th Jumada-1 awwal 
intelligence arrived ot the death of Mahabat Khan Khan- 
khanan, who died of fistula, with which he had long been 

EIGHTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1044 A.H. (1634 A.D.) 

The Peacock Throne 

(p. 62.) In the course of years many valuable gems had 
come into the Imperial jewel-house, each one of which 
might serve as an ear-drop for Venus, or would adorn 
the girdle of the Sun. Upon the accession of the 
Emperor, it occurred to his mind that, in the opinion of 
far-seeing men, the acquisition of such rare jewels and 



the keeping of such wonderful brilliants can only render 
one service, that of adorning the throne of empire. They 
ought therefore, to be put to such a use, that beholders 
might share in and benefit by their splendour, and that 
Majesty might shine with increased brilliancy. It was 
accordingly ordered that, in addition to the jewels in the 
Imperial jewel-house, rubies, garnets, diamonds, rich 
pearls and emeralds, to the value of 200 lacs of rupees, 
should be brought for the inspection of the Emperor, and 
that they, with some exquisite jewels of great weight, 
exceeding 50,000 miskals, and worth eighty-six lacs of 
rupees, having been carefully selected, should be handed 
over to Be-badal Khan, the superintendent of the gold- 
smith's department. There was also to be given to him 
one lac of tolas of pure gold, equal to 250,000 miskals in. 
weight and fourteen lacs of rupees in value. The throne 
was tlo be three gaz in length, two and a half in breadth, 
and five in height, and was to be set with the above- 
mentioned jewles. The outside of the canopy was to be 
of enamel work with occasional gems, the inside was to 
be thickly set with rubies, garnets, and other jewels, and 
it was to be supported by twelve emerald columns. On 
the top of each pillar there were to be two peacocks thick 
set with gems, and between each two peacocks a tree set 
with rubies and diamonds, emeralds and pearls. The 
ascent was to consist of three steps set with jewles of fine 
water. This throne was completed in the course of seven 
years at a cost of 100 lacs of rupees. Of the eleven 
jewelled recesses (takhta) formed around it for cushions, 
the middle one, intended for the seat of the Emperor, 
cost ten lacs of rupees. Among the jewels set in this 
recess was a ruby worth a lac of rupees, with Shah 'Abbas, 
the king of Iran, had presented to the late Emperor 
Jahangir, who sent it to his present Majesty, the Sahib 
Kiran-i sani, when he accomplished the conquest of the 
Dakhin. On it were engraved the names of Sahib-kiran 
(Timur), Mir Shah Rukh, and Mirza Ulugh Beg. When 

F. 4. 


'abdu-l hamio lahori 

in course of time it came into the possession <rf Shah 
'Abbas, his name was added; and when Jahangir obtained 
it, he added the name of himself and of his father." 
Now it received the addition of the name of his most 
gracious Majesty Shah Jahan. By command of the 
Emperor, the following masnawi, by Haji Muhammad 
Jan, the final verse ot which contains the date, was 
placed upon the inside of the canopy in letters of green 
enamel. . . . 

On his return to Agra, the Emperor held a court, 
sat for the first time on his throne. . . . Yaminn-d dania 
Asaf Khan was promoted to the dignity of Khan-khanain. 
(Conquest by Najabat Khan of several forts belonpng to 
the zamindars of Srinagar, and hit subsequent enforced 


•(Text, vol. ii. p. 94) His Majesty in the seccmd year of 

'■^T he following is the account given of the thrime in 
I he Shah-Jahan-nama of 'Inayat Khan: "The Nau-roz 
of the year 1044 fell on the 'Id-i fitr, when His Majesty . 
was to take his seat on the new jewelled throne. This 
gorgeous structure, with a canopy supported On ttmlve 
pillars, measured three yards and a half in length, two 
and a half in breadth, and five in height, from the fiigfit of 
steps to the overhanging dome. On his Majesty's acce- 
ssion to the throne, he had commanded that eighty-six 
lacs worth of gems and precious stones, and a diamond 
worth fourteen lacs, which together make a crore of rupees 
as money is reckoned in Hindustan, should he used in 
its decoration. It was completed in seven years, and 
among the precious stones was a ruby worth a lac of 
rupees that Shah 'Abbas Safavi had sent to the late 
Emperor, on which were inscribed the names of the 
great Timur Sahih-Kiran, etc". 



his reign pardoned tlie misdeeds of this turbulent man, 
3nd sent him on service to the Dakhin. After a while 
he took leave of Mahabat Khan Khan-khanan, the ruler 
of the Dakhin, and retired to his own country, leaving 
behind him son Bikramajit, entitled Jagraj, and his con- 
tingent of men. On reaching home, he attacked Bim 
Narain, Zamindar of Garha, and induced him by a 
treaty and promise to surrender the fort of Chauragarh.*' 
Afterwards, in violation of his engagement, he put Bim 
Narain and a number of his followers to death, and took 
possession of the fort, with all the money and valuables 
it contained. Bim Narain's son accompanied Rhandau- 
ran to Court from Malwa, taking with him an offering, 
and he made known to the Empercn- what had happened. 
A farman was then sent to Jajhar Singh, charging him 
ynib. having killed Bim Narain, and taking possession of 
•Gaihsl. wihout the authority of the Emperor, and direc- 
ting him to surrender the territory to the officers of the 
down, or else to give up the jagirs he held in this owh 
country, and to send to Court ten lacs of rupees in cash 
out of the money which had beloi^;ed to Bim Narain. 
He got notice of this farman from his vakils before it 
anived, and being resolved to resist, he directed his son 
Bikramjit to escape with his troops from the Balag^at, 
IHiither he had gone with Khan-dauran, and to make 
the best of his way hcnne. The son acted accordingly, . 
but he was attacked at Ashta*' in Malwa by Khan-zaman, 
Nazim of the Payin-g^t, when many of his men were kill- 
ed, and he himself was wounded, and narrowly escaped; ' 
.... but he made his way by difficult and unknown roads 
through the jungles and hills, and joined his father in the 
pargana of Dhamuni.*' (20,000 men sent against the rebel 

*^Seventy miles W. of Jabalpur. — Ain-i Akbari, vol. 
i. p. 367. 

**Sixty miles S, W. of Bhopal. 

*Un Bundelkhand near lat. 79°, long. 24°. 



under the nominal command of Prince Aurangzeb.) 

Ihe different divisions of the Imperial army united. 
at Bhander, and prepared for the reduction of the fort- 
ress of Undcha. On arriving within three kos of 
Undcha, where the forest territory of Jajhar commences, 
the forces were constantly occupied in cutting down trees 
and forming roads. Every day they made a little ad- 
vance. Jajhar had with him in Undcha nearly 5000 
horse and 10,000 foot, and was resolved to contest the 
passage through the woods. Every day he sent out 
cavalry and infantry to keep under the cover of the trees, 
and to annoy the royal forces with muskets and arrows. 
But the Imperial army killed some of them every day, 
and forced its way to the neighbourhood of Kahmar- 
wali, one kos from Undcha, where the rebels were deter- 
mined to fight. 

Raja Debi Singh, with the advanced guard of Khan- 
dauran, pressed forward and took the little hill of 
Kalimar-wali from Jajhar' s men. Notwithstanding the 
density and strength of his forests, Jajhar was alarmed at 
the advance of the Imperial forces, and removed his 
family, his cattle and money, from Undcha to the fort 
of Dhamuni, which his father had built. On the east, 
north and south of this fort there are deep ravines, which 
prevent the digging of mines or the running of zigzags. 
On the west side a deep ditch had been dug twenty 
imperial yards wide, stretching from ravine to ravine. 
Leaving a force to garrison Undcha, he himself, with 
Bikramajit, and all their connexions, went off to Dha- 
muni. This flight encouraged the royal forces, and on 
the 2nd Jumada-s sani (ihey took Undcha by escalade), 
and the garrison fled. 

After resting one day at Undcha, the royal army 
crossed the river Satdhara, on which the town stands, 
and went in pursuit of the rebels. On the 14th it was 
Ihree kos from Dhamuni. when intelligence came in that 



Jajhar had fled with his family and property to the fort 
of Chauragarh, on the security of which he had great 
reliance. . . . Before leaving he blew up the buildings 
round the fort of Dliamuni, and left one of his officers 
and a body of faithful adherents to garrison the fort. . . . 
The Imperial army was engaged two days in felling trees 
and clearing a passage, and then reached the fortress. 
They pushed their trenches to the edge of the ditch, and 
pressed the garrison hard. The fort kept up a heavy 
fire till midnight, when alarmed at the progress of the 
besieg;ers, they sent to propose a capitulation. Favoured 
"by the darkness, the men of the garrison made their way 
out, and hid in the jungles. . . . The Imperial forces then 
entered the place, and began to sack it. ... A cry arose 
that a party of the enemy still held possession of a bastion. 
. . . 'Ali Asghar and the men under him carried the 
tower; but while they were engaged in plundering, a spark 
from a torch fell upon a heap of gunpowder, whidi blew 
up the bastion with eighty yards of the wall on both sides, 
although it was ten yeards thick. 'Ali Asghar and his 
followers all perished. . .Nearly 300 men and 200 horses 
who were near the entrance of the fort were killed. . . . 
Jajhar, on hearing of the approach of the Imperial 
forces, destroyed the guns of the fortress (of Chaiu-agarh), 
burnt all the property he had there, blew up the dwell- 
ings which Bim Narain had built within the fort, and 
then went off with his family and such goods as he could 
carry to the Dakhin. . . .The Imperial army t' n took 
possession of the fortress. A chaudhari brought in infor- 
mation that Jajhar had with him nearly 2000 horse and 
4000 foot. He had also sixty elmliants, some of whidi 
were loaded with gold and silvn money and gold and 
silver vessels, others carried the members of his family. 
He travelled at the rate of four Gondi kos, that is, nearly 
-eight ordinary kos per diem. Although he had got 
fifteen da^-s' start, the Imperial army set out in pursuit, 
and for fear the rebel should escape with his family and 



wealth, the pursures hurried ou at the late of ten Goudi 
kos a day. (Loftg and extiling chase.) When jxessed. 
hard by the pursuers, Jajhar and Bikramjit pyt to death 
several wcnnen whose horses were worn out, and then 
turned upon their pursuers. . . . Although they fought 
desperately, they were beaten, and fled into the woods. . . 
Intelligence afterwards was brought that Jajhar had sent 
off his family and^ treasure towards Colkonda, intending^ 
to follow them himself. . . . The royal forces consequently 
steadily pursued their course to Colkonda. . . . 

At length the pursuers came in sig^t of the rebels- 
Khan-dauran then sent his eldest son, Saiyid Muhammad, 
and some other oflicers with 500 horse, to advance with 
all speed against them. The hot pursuit allowed the rebels 
no time to perform the rite of Jauhar, which is one of 
the benighted practices at Hindustan. In their despair 
they inflicted two wounds with a Axggcr on Rani Parbati. 
the chief wife of Raja Nar Sing^ Deo, and having 
stabbed the other women and children with swords and 
daggers, they were about to make off. when the pursuers 
came up and put many of them to the swrad. Khan- 
dauran then arrived, and slew many who were endea- 
vouring to escape. Duigbahan, son of Jajhar, and 
Durjan Sal, son of Bikramajit, were made prisoners. 
Udbahan, and his brother Siyam Dawa, sons of Jajhar, 
who had fled towards Colkonda. were soon afterwards, 
taken. Uiuler the direction of Khan-dauran, Rani Par- 
bati and the other wounded women were raised ftom the 
ground and carried to Firoz Jang. The royal army then 
encamped on the edge of a tank. . . .While they rested 
there, information was brought that Jajhar and Bikrama- 
jit, . . . after escaping frcm the bloody conflict, had fled 
to hide themselves in the wilds, where they were killed 
with great cruelty by the Gonds who inhabit that 
country. . . .Khan-daiuran rode forth to seek their bodies, 
and having found them, cut off their heads and sent 



theiu to Court. . . . When they arrived, the EmpertMr 
ordered them to be hung up over the gate of Sehur. 

On arriving at Chanda, the Imperial commandeis 
resolved to take tribute from Kipa, chief zamindar of 
G<mdwana, . . . and he consented to pay five lacs of 
rupees as tribute to the government, and one lac of 
rupees in cadi and goods to the Imperial comr 

On the I3th Jumada-s sani the Emperor proceeded 
on his journey to Undcha, and on the 21st intelligenoe 
arrived of the capture of the fort of Jhansi, one of the 
strongest in the Bundela country. 

NINTH YEAR OF THE REIGN^ 1045 A.H. (1635 AJ).) 

(Text, vol. L part 2. p. 125.) An cSbcex was sem to Bija- 
pur to 'Adil Khan, with a khil'at, etc., and he was 
directed to require that 'Adil Khan should be faithful 
in his alliance and r^^ular in the payment <rf his 
tribute, that he should surrender to the Imperial officers 
the teiritcMies he had taken from Nizamu-1 Mulk, and 
that he should expel the evil-minded Sahu aiid other 
adherents of the Nizamu-1 Mulk from his dmninions. 
{Text of the farman.) 

Farman to Kutbu-l Mulk {of Golkonda) 
{!' stipulates for the allepance of Kutbu-l Mulk to the 
imperial throne, for the khutba being read in the name 
of the Emperor, and for the payment of tribute, etc). 

(p. 133.) On the 15th Sha'ban Khan-dauran came 
frran Chanda to wait upon the Emperor. He presented 

. . the wives of the wretched Jajhar, Duigbahan his 
son, and Durjan Sal, his grandson. By the Emperor's 
order they were made Musalmans by the names of 
Islam Kuli, and 'Ali Kuli. and they were both placed 
in the charge of Firoz Khan Nazir. Rani Paibati, being 
severely wounded, was passed over; the other women 
were sent to attend upon the ladies of the Imperial 




(p. 135.) Nizamu-l Mulk was in confmement'tn the fort 
of Gwalior, but the evil-minded Sahu, and other turbu- 
lent Nizamu-l Mulkis, had fo-nd a boy of the Nizam's 
family, to whom they gave the title of Nizamu-l Mulk. 
They had g;ot possession of some of the Nizam's terri- 
tories, and were acting in opposition to the Imperial 
government. Now that the Emperor was near Daulata- 
bad, he determined to send Khan-dauran, Khan-zaman, 
and Shayista Khan, at the head of three different divi- 
sions, to punish these rebels, and in the event of 'Adil 
Khan failing to co-operate with them, they were ordered 
to attack and ravage his territories. . . . Khan-dauran's 
force consisted of about 20,000 horse, and he was sent 
towards Kandahar and Nander, which join the territories 
of Golkonda and Bijapur, with directions to ravage the 
country and to besiege the forts of Udgir*" and Usa, 
two of the strongest forts in those parts. . . Khan- 
zaman's force also consisted of about 20,000 men. He 
was directed to proceed to Ahmadnagar, and subdue the 
native territory of Sahu, which lies in Chamar-gonda** 
and Ashti near to Ahmadnagar. After that he was to 
release the Kokan from the grasp of Sahu, and upon 
receipt of instructions was to attack and lay waste the 
countr)' of 'Adil Khan. . . . The force under Shayista 
Khan consisted of about 8,000 horse, and was sent 
against the forts of Junir, Sangamnir, Nasik and Trim- 
bak. On the 8th Ramazan they were sent on their 
respective expeditions. . . . On the 5th Shawal Shayista 
Xhan reported the capture of the fort of Masij. 

Udbihan, the son of Jajhar, and his younger 

^^ About fifty miles S. of Nander on the road to 

^^ About fifty miles S. of Ahmadnagar. The "Cham- 
bargoondee" of the Bombay Route Map. 



brother, Siyam Dawa,^^ who had Hed to Golkonda, were 
made prisoners by Kutbu-1 Mulk, and were sent In cus- 
tody to the Emperor. They arrived on the 7 th Shawwal. 
The young boy was ordered to be made a Musulman, and 
to be placed in charge of Firoz Khan Nazir, along with 
the son of Bikramajit. Udbihan and Siyam Dawa, who 
were of full age, were offered the alternative of Islam 
or death. They chose the latter, and were sent to hell. 
It now became known that 'Adil Khan, misled by 
evil counsels, and unmindful of his allegiance, had 
secretly sent money to the commandant of forts Udgir 
and Usa. He had also sent Khairiyat Khan with a 
force to protect those two forts, and had commissioned 
Randaula to support Sahu. Incensed with these acts, 
the Emperor sent a force of about 10,000 men under 
Saiyid Khan-Jahan, ... to chastise him. Orders were 
given th|at he and Khan-dauran and Khan-zaman should 
march into the Bijapur territories in three different 
directions, to prevent Randaula from joining Sahu, and 
to ravage the country from end to end. If 'Adil Khan 
should awake from his heedless stupidity, and should 
pay proper obedience, they were to hold their hands; if 
not, they were to make every exertion to crush biro. 
On the 11th a letter arrived from Shayista Khan, report 
ing that Salih Beg, the Nizamu-1 Mulki commander of 
the fort of Kher-darak, had confined all Sahu's men who 
were in the fort, and had surrendered it and its depend- 
encies to the Imperial commanders. 

Mir Abu-1 Hasan and Kazi Abu Sa'id, whom 'Adil 
Khan of Bijapur had sent to the Emperor after being 
aroused from his negligence by the despatch of the 
Imperial forces to ravage his dominions, now rrived 
and presented tribute and presents. 

Mukarramat Khan, the Imperial envoy, approached 

"'These names are here spelt "Udihan" and 
"Siyam Duda." 



Bijapur, and 'Adil Khaii, feaiiug the consequences o£ 
showing disobedience, came forth from the city five kos 
to meet him, and made great show of submission and 
respect. . . . But the envoy soon discovered that, although 
he made all these outward demonstrations thiou^ fear, 
he was really desiious of exciting disturbances and offer- 
ing opposition. He made a report to this effect, and 
upon his arrival, the Imperial order was given to kill 
and ravage as much as possible in the Bijapur territories. 

When 'Abdu-1 Latif, the envoy to Golkonda, ap- 
proached the city, Kutbu-1 Mulk came forth five kos to 
receive him, and conducted him to the city «nth great 
honour. . . . He had the khut ba lead aloud in the name 
of the Emperor; he several times attended when the 
khutba was read, and bestowed gifts upon the reader, 
and he had coins struck in the Emperor's name, and 
sent spedments of them to Ckmrt. 

{Conquest of the fort of Ckandor. Surrender of the 
hill fort of Anjarai, and of the hill forts of Kanjna and 
Manjna, Rola, Jola, Ahunat, Kol, Busra, Achlagar, and 
others. Conquest of the fort of the Raja of Bir after 
two months^ siege. Surrender of the fori of Dharab to 
Allah Verdi Khan.) 

(Shayista Khan takes Sangamnir and the town . of 
Junir from Sahu. Sahu's son attempts the recoxrery of 


(Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 151.) On the 8th Shawwal, a 
royal order reached Khan-dauran near Udgir, inform- 
ing him that 'Adil Khan had been remiss in his obedi- 
ence and payment of tribute; that Khan-jahan had been 
directed to invade his territory by way of Sholapur. 
Khan-zaman by way of Indapur;*' and that he, Khan- 

^"Betmeen Puna and Sholapur, eighty-four miles 
from the former. 



dauran, must mardi against him by way of Bidar, and 
lay waste his country. Khan-dauran aamding^y left 
his baggage mi the banks of the Wanjira, in charge oE 
a party of men whose horses were ineffective. In the 
banning of New Year's night he set forci, and at hve 
o'clock reached Kalyan. the most liourishing place in 
that country The inhabitants were quite unprepared, 
and near 2,000 of them fell under his attack. Many 
were taken pristmers, and great booty was secured. 
(Narainpur, Bhalki, and Maknath,^* taken hi succession 
and plundered. 2,000 of the enemy defeated near Bidar). 
From Bhalki KhaU-dauran marchol to Deoni, three 
kos from Udgir, and from thence towards Bijapur, 
pliuidering and laying waste all the country. He then 
attacked and sacked the two great towns of Sultanpur 
and Hirapur. From Hirapur he advanced to the river 
Miunra.^^i A party of the enemy then drew near and 
threatened him, . . . but was defeated. After this, Khan- 
dauran marched to Firozabad, twelve kos from Bijapur. 
A letter then arrived from Mukarramat Khan, irifoim- 
ing him that the Bijapuris had broken down the tank 
dt Shahpur, and had taken all the inhabitants of the 
country round Bijapur into that dty, and that no water 
ac food was to be found in the (»untry. ... A letter 
from the Emperor then reached him, to the effect that 
'Adil Khan had sent two envoys to make some representa- 
tions about the forts oi Usa and Udgir; but as these 
bdonged to Ni£amu-1 Mulk, the Emperor would not 
present them to him. A report received subsequendy 
from Mukarramat Khan stated that 'Adil Khan had 

^*Narainpur is "one kos and a half from Kalyan." 
Bhalki or Balki is about equidistant N. of Kalyan and 
Bidar. Maknath is "ten kos from Bhalki, and two from 

"^This name often occurs, and is evidently used f&r 
the Bhima. 



abandoned his claim to these forts, and had returned to 
his obedience. Khan-dauran was therefore directed to 
desist from ravaging the Bijapur territories, and to lay 
siege to Usa and Udgir. On the 23rd Muharram 
Xhan-dauran marched against Udgir. 


(Text, vol. i. part 2, p. 155.) (Capture of Saradhun, 
Dharasiyun, Kanti six kos from Sholapur, and the town 
of Depganw. Victories over the BijapuriSj commanded 
by Randaula.) Water and provisions were now difiEcult 
to obtain, so the royal army fell back to Dharasiyun,** 
intending to leave their baggage at Saradhun, and pas- 
sing between Usa and Naldrug, to make a raid into the 
flourshing country about Kulbarga, to plunder and lay 
waste. On the 1st Zi-1 hijja, the enemy made his ap- 
pearance while the Imperial army was encamped about 
two kos from Usa and began to throw in rockets. The 
royal forces issued from their entrenchments and repuls- 
ed their assailants. Next day they attacked the Imperial 
army as ii was about to march, . . . but were defeated 
and driven back. After returning from the battle-field, 
Saiyid Khan-jahan, considering that the country was 
devastated, and the rains were at hand, determined to 
fall back to Bir .... and await the Imperial directions 
as to where the rainy season should be passed. On the 
IKh Zi-1 hijja, about eight kos from Saradhun, the 
enemy again appeared in the rear {and -after a hard fight 
fell hack defeated). The royal army then continued its 
march to Saradhun, and along the banks of the Wanjira 
to Dharur. 


(Text, vol i. part 2, p. 160.) After receiving his orders, 
Khan-zaman marched to Ahmadnagar, and, after provi- 

^^"Deraseo," fifty miles north-east of Sholapur. 



sioning his forces. ... he went on towards Junir. Six 
kos from Ahmadnagar. he learnt that the viUain Sahu 
had made terms with Minaji Bhonsla, and had obtained 
from him the fort of Mahuli. Having taken Minaji 
along with him to Junir, Sahu was about to proceed 
by way of Parganw to Parenda. Khan-raman marched 
after him, . . . but Sahu passed the river Bhunra, and 
proceeded to Lohganw, a dependency of Puna in the 
Bijapur territories. Here Khan-zaman halted, because 
his orders were not to follow Sahu into 'Adil Khan's 
country. {Capture of the fort of Chamar-gonda by a 
detachment.) On receiving orders from Court, he 
entered the Bijapur territories, and plundered and 
destroyed every inhabited place he came to. On the 
27th Shawwal he reached the pass of Dudbai, where he 
halted, . . . Next morning he ascended the pass. In 
eight days he arrived at Kolaptur, and invested the 
fortress and town. Notwithstanding a brave defence, 
he quickly took the place. {Successful skirmishes with 
Sahu and the Bijapuris.) Khan-zaman next marched to 
Miraj, one of the principal towns in the Bijapur 
dominions, and plundered it. From thence he made 
six days* march to Rai-bagh, a very ancient town in that 
country, where he obtained great booty. After remain- 
ing there ten days, he fell back, and the enemy had the 
audacity to hang upon his rear and harass him with 
rockets. Eight days' march from Miraj the army en- 
camped on the bank of a river. A party sent out to 
forage, and a force was ordered to support it. The 
enemy attacked this force, and a sharp fight ensued; but 
the assailants were repulsed and pursued for two kos. 
While the army was resting on the banks of the river 
Bhunra, an Imperial farman arrived, directing Khan- 
zaman to return to the royal presence, to receive instruc 
tions for the reduction of the fort of Junir and the 
punishment of Sahu, The reason for this was that 'Adil 
Khan had submitted, had agreed to pay a tribute 



equivalent to twenty lacs in jewels, elejdiants, etc, and 
-engaged that if Sahu returned and surrendeFcd Junir 
.and the other forts in the Nizam-Shahi territory to the 
imperial officers, he would take him into his service; but 
if Sahu did not do so, he would assist the &D.perial 
forces in reducing the forts and punishing Sahu. 

{Capture by Khan-khanan of the forts of Anki and 
Tankij Alka and Polka, eighteen kos from Daulatabad.) 
(Farman containing the terms of peace with 'Adil 
Khan, and letter of the latter in acknowledgment. 
Latter of homage from Kutbu-l Mulk. Summary of Shah 
Jahan's two expeditions to the Dakhin, the first in his 
father's lifetime, the second after his own accession.) 

'adu. khan of bijapur 

(Text, vrf. L part 2, p. 202.) While the Emperor was 
still thinking about the reduction of the forts ot the 
Dakhin, 'AcUl Khan, being disturbed by the prolonged 
stay of the Imperial Court, wrote a letter to the 
Emperor, re|Hesenting that the affairs of that country 
were now all settled, and that he would be answerable 
for the surrender of the forts held by Sahu and others. 
There was therefore no reason for the Emperor's stay- 
ing any longer and it would be a great favour if he 
would proceed to the capital, so that the raiy^s and 
people of Bijapur mi^t return peacefully to their 
avocations. The Elmpeior graciously consented, and 
resolved to go and spend the rainy season at Mandu. 
'Adil Khan's tribute, consisting of ... , arrived, and 
was accepted. The EmpercH^ confirmed to him the 
territory of Bijapur and the fortress of Parenda, which 
had formerly belonged to Nizamu-l Mulk, but which the 
commandant had surrendered to 'Adil Khan for a 
bribe. He also confirmed to him all the country of 
Kokan on the sea-shore, which had been formerly held 
half by him and half by Nizamu-1 Mulk. (Copy of the 



(Text. vol. i, part 2, p. 205.) On the 3rd Zi-1 hijja the 
Emperor appointed Prince Aurangzeb to the govern- 
ment of the Dakhin. This country, contains sixty-four 
forts, fifty-three of which are situated on hills, the 
remaining eleven are in the plain. It is divided into 
four subas. 1. Daui&tabad, with Ahmadnagar and 
other districts, which they call the suba of the Dakhin. 
The capital of this province, which belonged to Nizamu-1 
Mulk, was formerly Ahmadnagar, and afterwards Daulata- 
bad. 2. Telingana. This- is situated in the suba of 
the Balaghat.*^ 3. Khandes. The fortress of this 
province is Asir, and the capital is Buriianpur, situated 
four kos from Asir. 4. Birar. The capital of this pro- 
vince is Elichpur, and its* famous fortress is called Gawli. 
It is built on the top of a hill, and is noted above all 
the fortress in that country for strength and security. 
The whole of the. third province and a part of the 
fourth IS in the Payin-ghat. The jama', or total revenue 
<jt the four provinces is two- arbs of dams, equivalent to 
■five crores of rupees. 

(Treaty with Kutbu-l Mulk. Letter from the latter.) 
(Khan-dauran besieges Udgir and Usa, and both 
forts are eventually surrendered.) 

TENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1046 A.H. (1636 A.D.) 

Conquest of the Fort of Junir and Settlement of the 


(Text, vol. i. part 2." p. 225.) When Khan-zaman return- 
ed from the Emperor to his army, he learnt that Sahu 
had declined entering into the service of 'Adil Khan, 
and refused to surrender Junir and the other fortresses 
to the Imperial officers. 'Adil Khan therefore sent his 
forces, under the command of Randaula, to co-operate 

■^Tfce Shah-Jahan-nama adds, "The capital of which 
is called Nander and the fortress Kandahar." 



with the Imperial anay in the destruction of Sahu, and 
the reduction of his fortresses. Khan-zaman hastened 
to Junir, . . . and invested the fortress. Being satisfied 
with the arrangements for the siegi^ he determined ta 
march against Sahu, who was in the neighboiuhood of 
Puna. When he reached the Khorandi> he was detain- 
ed on its banks for a month by the heavy rains and the 
inundations. As soon as the waters abated, he. crossed 
the river, and encamped on the banks of the Ihdan, 
near Lohganw, and Sahu, who was seventeen kos distant, 
then made into the mountains of Gondhana and Nurand. 
There were three Iai;ge swollen rivers, the , Indan, the 
Mol, and the Mota,'" between Khan-zaman and Sahu. 
. . . The Khan therefore sent an officer to consult with 
Randaula. The opinion of that commander coincided 
with Khan-zaman's in favour of the pursuit, and the 
latter began his match. . . . Sahu then fled with g^eat 
haste by the pass of Kombha,^* and entered the Kokan. 
. . . Finding no support there, he returned by the pass of 
Kombha. The Imperial forces then entered the Kokan 
by the same pass, and Randaula also was closing up. 
Sahu then went off to Mahuli, . . . and from thence to 
the fort of Muranjan,'" situated between the hills and 
the jungle. Khan-zaman followed. . . . On discovering 
the approach of his pursuers, Sahu hastily sent 
off a portion of his baggage, and abandoned 
the rest. . . . The pursuers having come up, put 
many of the rebels to the sword. . . . Being still 
pursued, Sahu went again to Mahidi, hoping to get 
away by Trimbak and Tringalwari;** but, fearing lest 
he shoiUd encounter the royal forces, he baited at 

'" ^'The Indiranee, Moola, and Moota of the Maps,, 
near Puna. 

"^In the Ghats, Lat. 18-20. 

*'>Or "Muforanjan" in the Ghats, Lat. 18-50. 

"y4 little N. of the Tal Ghat. 



Mahuli. He retained a party of his adherents, who 
had long followed him, and the rest of his men he 
disbanded, and allowed them to go where they would. 
Then, with his son and a portion of his baggage, he 
went into the fort, resolved to stand a siege. 

Khan-zaman got intelligence of this when be was 
twelve kos from Mahuli, and, notwithstanding the 
difficulties of the road, he reached the fort in one day. 
. . . He immediately opened his trenches and luade ap-. 
proaches. ... A few days after Randaula came, up, and 
joined in the siege. . . . When the pLace was hard p'res- 
sed, Sahu wrote repeatedly to Khan-zaman, ottering to 
surrender the fortress on condition of being received 
into the Imperial service. He was informed that if he 
wished to save his life, he must come to terms with 
'Adil Khan, for such was the Emperor's command. 
He was also advised to be quick in doing so, if he wished 
to escape from the swords of the besiegers. So he was 
compelled to make his submission to 'Adil Khan, and 
he besought that a treaty might be made with him. 
After the arrival of the treaty, he made some absurd 
inadmissible demands, and withdrew from the agree- 
ment he had made. But the siege was pressed on, and 
the final attack drew near, when Sahu came but of the 
fort and met Randaula half way down the hill, and 
surrendered himself with the young Nizam. He agreed 
to enter the service of 'Adil Khan, and to surrender 
the fortress of Junir and the other forts to the Imperial ' 
generals. . . . Accordingly the forts of Junir, Trimbak, 
Tringalwari, Haris, Judhan, Jund, and Harsira, were 
delivered over to Khan-zaman. . . . Randaula,, under- 
the orders of 'Adil Khan, placed the young Nizam in 
the hands of Khan-zaman, and 'then went to Bijapur. 
accompanied by Sahu. 

(Khan-dauran takes possession of the forts of Katal- 
jhar, and Ashia, and besieges and storms the fort of 



(Text. vol. i. part 2, 256.) On the 1st Zi-1 hijja, 1046 
A.H. Prince Murad Bakhsh, Yaminu-d daula Khan- 
dauran Bahadur Nusrat Jang.'^" and others went forth 
to meet Prince Aurangzeb, who had returned to Court 
from the Dakhin. ... He brought with him the member 
of Nizamu-1 Mulk's family*' whom the disaffected ot 
the Dakhin had made use of for their rebellious pur- 
poses, and to whom they had given the title of Nizamu-1 
Mulk. He was placed under the charge of Saiyid Khan- 
Jahan, to be kept in the fort of Gwalior, where there 
were two other of the Nizams — one of whom was made 
prisbner at the capture of Ahmadnagar in the reign of 
Jahangir, and the other at the downfall of Daulatabad 
in the present reign. ; . . On the 4th, the news came 
that Khan-zaman had died at Daulatabad from a com- 
plication of diseases of long standing. . . . Shayistk Khan 
was appointed to succeed him in his command. 


(Text. vol. i. part 2, p. 270). The Bundelas .are a 
''turbulent troublesome race. Notwithstanding that 
Jajhar, their chief, had been slain, the rebellious spirits 
. of the tribe had taken no warning, but had set up a 
child of his named Pirthi Raj, who had been carried off 
alive from the field of battle, and they had again broken 
out in rebellion. . . . Khan-dauran Bahadur Nusrat Jang 
was ordered to suppress this insurrection, and then to 
proceed to his government in Malwa. 


(p. 276.) On the 23rd Rabi'u-1 awwal letters were 

*^He had been honoured with this title for his late 

*'Thi5 individual, like all the others, is sarcastically 
calif d^'Be-Nizam." 



received trom Thatta, reporting tliat rain had fallen 
incessantly for thirty-six hours in all the towns and 
places near the sea-shore. Many houses and buildings 
were destroyed, and great numbers of men and beasts 
of all kinds were drowned. The wind blew so furious- 
ly that huge trees \vere torn up by their roots, and the 
waves of the sea cast numbers of fishes on to the shore. 
Nearly a thousand ships, laden and unladen, went down 
from the violence of the sea, and heavy losses fell upon 
the ship-owners. The land also, over which the waves 
were driven, became impregnated with salt, and utifit 
for cultivation. 


(Text, vol. i. part 2. p. 281.) Ihe late Emperor 
Jahangir long entertained the design of conquering 
Tibet, and in the course of his reign Hashim Khan, son 
of Kasim Khan Mir-bahr, governor of Kashmir, under 
the orders of the Emperor, invaded the country with a 
large force of horse and foot and local zamindars. But 
although he entered the country, and did his best, he 
met with no success, and was obliged to retreat with 
great loss and with much difl&culty. . . . The Imperial 
order was now given that Zafar Khan, governor of 
Kashmir, should assemble the forces under bis command, 
and effect the conquest of that country. Accordingly he 
collected nearly eight thousand horse and foot, composed 
of Imperial forces, men of. his own, and retainers of the 
marzbans of his province. He marched by the difficult 
route of Karcha-barh, and in the course of one month 
he reached the district of Shkardu, the first place of import- 
ance in Tibet, and on this side of the Nilab (Indus). 
'Ali Rai, father of Abdal, the present Marzban of Tibet, 
had built upon the summits of two high mountains two 
strong forts — the higher of which was called Kahar- 
phucha, and the other Kahchana. Each of them had a 
road of access "like the neck of a reed, and the curve 



ol a taioii. Ttie road, of communication between the 
u^o was on the top ot the mountain. Abdal shut him- 
iclt up in tne tort oi KaJiarpIiucha. tie placed his 
minister and general manager m the tort oi Kahcnana, 
and he sent his tamily and property -to the tort of Shakar, 
winch stands upon a high mountain on the other side 
ol the Niiab. 

Zafai Khan, aiter examining the height and 
strength ot the lortresses, was ot opinion that it was 
inexpedient to invest and attack them; but he saw that 
the military and the peasantry of libet were much dis- 
tressed by the harsh rule oi Abdal, and he resolved to 
win them over by kindness. Ihen he sent a detach- 
ment to subdue the fort o£ Shakar, and to make prisoners 
ot the family ot Abdal. The whole time which the 
army could keep the held in this country was two 
months; for if it remained longer, it would be snowed 
up. It was for this reason that he sent Mil Fakhm-d 
din, . . . with four thousand men, against the fort of 
Shakar, while he himself watched the fort in which 
Abdal was. He next sent Hasan, nephew of Abdal, 
with some other men of Tibet, who had entered into 
the Imperial service, and some zamindars of Kashmir, 
who had friendly relations with the people of the country, 
to endeavour by persuasion and promises to gain over 
the people. . . . Mir Fakhr passed over the river Nilab, 
and laid siege to the fort. Daulat, son of Abdal, of 
about ftfteen years of age, was in charge of the fort. 
He sallied out to attack the besiegers, . . . but was driven 
back with loss. . . . The besiegers then advanced," and 
opened their trenches against the gate on the Shkardu 
side. The son of Abdal was so frightened by these 
proceedings, that, regardless of his father's family (in 
the fort), he packed up the gold, silver, and what was 
portable, and escaped in the night by the Kashghar 
gate. Mir Fakhru-d din, being apprised of his flight, 
entered the fort. He could not restrain his followers 



from plundering; but he took chaige of Abdal's family. 
A force was sent in pursuit of the son, which could not 
overtake him, but returned with some gold and silver he 
had thrown away on the road. 

On hearing of this victory, Zafar Khan pressed on 
the siege of Kaharphucha and Kahchana. . . . The 
governor and garrison of the latter surrendered. . . . 
Abdal, in despair at the progress made by the invadors, 
and at the loss of his wives and children, opened 
negotiations and surrendered the fort of Kaharphucha. 
. . . Zafar Khan was apprehensive that the snow would 
fall and close the passes, and that, at the instigation of 
Abdal, he might be attacked from the side of Kashmir. 
So, without making any settlement of the country, and 
without searching after Abdal's property, he set out on 
his return, taking with him Abdal, his family, and some 
of the leading men of the enemy. He left Muhammad 
Murad, Abdal's vakil, in charge of the country. 


Capture of Kandahar and other forts'^* 
(Text, vol. ii. p. 24.) The strong fortress of Kandahar 
was annexed to the Imperial dominions in the fortieth 
year of the Emperor Akbar. . . Shah Safi of Persia, was 
desirous of recovering it. In the fifteenth year of the 
reign of Jahangir, Prince Shah Jahan was sent to arrange 
the afEairs of the Dakhin, . . . and the Shah of Persia 
seized the opportunity to make an attempt to recover 
the place. He invested it and after a siege of forty-five 
days reduced the fortress in the seventeenth year <rf 
Jahangir. . . . After a time, 'Ali Mardan Khan was 
appointed governor of Kandahar, . . . and Shah Jahan, 
being desirous of recovering the place, directed his 
governor of Kabul to send an able emissary to 'Ali 
Mardan Khan, who was to learn what' he could about 

**rAe account of this siege is told in great detail. 



the lortrcs!» and its garrison, and to make overtures to 
All Maidan Khan. . . . Ihe envoyi was received very 
graciously, . . . and friendly relations were established 
between '.\li Mardan Khan and the governor ofKabul, 
... so that the Khan at length wrote, expressing his 
tles^e to surrender the place to Shah Jahan. . . . On the 
approach ul the imperial iorces, 'Ali Mardan Khan 
conduticd ihem into the fortress, and gave it up to 
them. . . Ihe governor of Kabul was directed to 
proceed to Kandahar, and to present a. lac oi rupees to 
Ali Mardan Khan. He was then to take the Khan to 
Kabul, and to send him under escort to the Imperial 
Court, with all his family and dependents. . . . The 
iimperor sent 'Ali Mardan Khan a khil'at {and many 
other fine presenti. Engagement between Sa'id Khan, 
governor of Kabul, and the Persians, and d^feoL of th^ 
latter. Capture by siege of the forts of Bust, Zamind- 
awar, and Girishk.) All the country of Kandahar with 
its fortresses {enumerated m detail) were re-annexed to 
the Imperial dominions. 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 64.) On the north of the country of 
Jiengal there are two countries: Kuch-Haju, a cultivat- 
ed counu"), which lies on the banks of the Brahmaputra, 
a large river, two kos in width, which flows from the 
country of Asham (Assam) into Bengal. From thence 
to Jahangir-nagar (Dacca) is one month's journey. The 
other country is Kuch-Bihar, which is far away from 
the river, and is twenty days' journey from Jahangir- 
nagar. These two countries belonged to local rulers 
{marzban), and at the beginning of the reign of the 
Emperor Jaiiangir, the country of Kuch-Haju was 
under the rule of Parichhit, and Kuch-Bihar under 
Lachhmi Narain, brother of the grandfatheir of Parich- 
hit. In the eighth year of the reign. Shah Jahan gave 
the pjovcrnment of Bengal to Shaikh 'Alau-d din Fath- 



puri, who had received the tide of Islam Khan. Raghu- 
nath, Zamindar of Susang, came to him, complaining 
that Parichhit had tyrannically and violently placed his 
wives and children in prison. His allegations appeared 
to be true. At the same time, Lachhmi Narain repeated- 
ly represented his devotion to the Imperial government," 
and incited Islam Khan to effect the conquest of Kuch- 
Haju. He accordingly sent a force to punish Parichhit, 
and to subjugate the country. {Long details of the 
operations.) When the victorious army reached the 
river Kajli, some men were sent over first in boats, who 
in a short time defeated and put to flight the guard of 
the place. The whole force then crossed and destroyed 
some old forts. A strong fort was then constructed on 
each side of the Kajli, and .... garrisons were placed 
in them to check and keep down the turbulent land- 
holders. The army then proceeded to Koh-hatah, 
towards Utarkol, between Sri-ghat and the Kajli, there 
to pass the rains. 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 105.) The territory of Baglana contains 
nine forts, thirty-four parganas, and one thousand and 
one villages. It has been a separate jurisdiction (marz- 
bani) for one thousand four hundred years, and its pre- 
sent ruler is named Bharji. It is famous for its temper- 
ate climate, its numerous streams and the abundance of 
of its trees and fruits. In length it is a hundred kos, and 
in breadth eighty. On the east is Chandor, a depen- 
dency of Daulatabad; on the west the port of Surat and 
the sea; on the north Sultanpur and Namdurbar; and 
on the south Nasik and Trimbak . . . The strongest of its 
forts are Salhir and Mulhir."' Salhir is placed upon a 
hill . . . Mulhii* also stands upon a hill. . . . When Prince 

""Mooleer" lies about half way, a little west, of a 
line drawn from Ch'andor to Nandurbar. ~ 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

Aurangzeb was sent to the govenunent of the Oakhin, he 
was directed to subjugate this country. On the 8th 
Sha'ban, 1047 H. (Dec. 1637), he sent an army against 
it, . . . which advanced and laid siege to Mulhir. The 
trenches were opened and the garrisrai was pressed so 
hard that, on the 10 Shawwal, Bhaiji sent out his mother 
and his vakil with the keys of his eight forts, (Bering to 
enrol himself among the servants of the Imperial throne, 
on condition of receiving the pargana of Sultanpur. . . . 
When this proposal reached the Emperor, he granted. 
Bharji a mansab of three thousand personal and 2500 
horse, and Sultanpur was conferred upon him for his 


(Submis!>ion of Manik Rai, the Mag Raja of Chatgam.) 
(Text, vol. ii. p. 123.) On the 13th Rajab. the Imperial 
train reached Lahore, . . and 'Ali Mardan Khan, who had 
come from Kandahar, was received with great ceremony. 
He was presented with (numerous rich gifts), and his 
mansab was increased from 5,000 to 6,000 personal and 
6,000 horse. . . . Before the end of the month he was ap- 
pointed governor of Kashmir, . , and shortly afterwards 
he was presented with five iacs of rupees and ten parcels 
of the choice fabrics of the looms of Bengal. The Em- 
peror afterwards did him the honour of paying him a 
visit at his house. (The Imperial progress from Lahore 
to Kabul and back again.) 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 169). The conquest of Litde Tibet, die 
captivity of its ruler Abdal, and the appointment of 
Adam Khan to be governor, have been previously men- 
tioned. Adam Khan now wrote to 'Ali Mardan Khan, 
the new governor of Kashmir, informing him that Sangi 
Bamkha), the holder of Great Tibet - . . had seized upon 
Burag in Little Tibet, and meditated further aggression. 



^Ali Mardan Khan sent a force against him under the 
command of Husain Beg/ . . On t;he meeting of the two 
forces, Sangi's men vfere put to flight . . He then sued 
for forgiveness, and offered to pay tribute. 


On the 21st Jumada-s sani, the 
Emperor arrived at Lahore. . . 'Ali Mardan Khan came 
down from Kashmir. . . . His mansab was increased to 
7,000 personal and 7,000 horse, . . . and the government 
of the Panjab was given to him in addition to that of 
Kashmir. . . . On the 6th Rajab, Islam Khan came accor- 
ding to summons from Bengal, and was appointed to the 
office of Financial Minister {diwani-kull). 


'Ali Mardan Khan represented 
to His Majesty that one of his followers was an adept in 
the forming of canals, and would undertake to construct 
a canal from the place where the river Ravi descends 
from the hills into the plains, and to conduct the waters 
to Lahore, benefiting the cultivation of the country 
through which it should pass. The Emperor . . gave to 
the Khan one lac of rupees, a sum at which experts esti- 
mated the expense, and the Khan then entrusted its form- 
ation to one of his trusted servants. 

(Advance of an army from Sistan against Kandahar. 
— Occupation and abandonment of the fort of Khanshi, 
near Bust.) 

{Great fire at the residence of Prince Shuja' in Agra 
— Royal xnsit to Kashmir.) 

In the month of Muharram intelligence came in that 
Pirthi Raj, son of Jajhar Bundela, had been taken pri- 
soner. . . Orders were given for his confinement in the 
fort of Gwalior. 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

FOURl-EENTH YEAR OF THE REIGN, 1050, A.H. (1640 AJ>.) 

{Chastisement of the Kolis and Kathis in Gujarat.— Pay- 
ment of tribute by the Jam of Kathiwau) 

(Rebellion of Jagat Singh, son of Raja Basu of 


Death of Asaf Khan Khan-khanan 
(Text, vol. ii. p. 257.) On the 17th Sha'ban Yaminu-d 
daula Asaf Khan Khan-khanan, commander-in-chief, 
departed this life; . . and on receiving the intelligence. 
His Majesty v?as much affected, and gave orders that he 
should be buried on the west side of the tomb of the late 
Emperor Jahangir, and that a lofty dome should be rais- 
ed over his grave. . . . He had risen to a rank and dignity 
which no servant of the State had ever before attained. 
By the munificent favour of the Emperor, his mansab 
was nine thousand personal and nine thousand horse, 
do-aspah and sih-aspah, the pay of which amounted to 
sixteen krors and twenty lacs of dams. When these had 
all received their pay, a sum of fifty lacs of rupees was 
left for himself. . . . Besides the mansion which he had 
built in Lahore, and on which he expended twenty lacs 
of rupees, he left money and valuables to the amount of 
two krors and fifty lacs of rupees. There were 30 lacs of 
rupees in jewels, three lacs of ashrafis equal to 42 lacs of 
rupees, one kror and 25 lacs in rupees, 30 lacs in gold and 
silver utensils, and 23 lacs in miscellaneous articles. 

{Campaign in Jagat Singh's territory. Capture of Mu, 
Nurpur, and other forts. Surrender of Taragarh, and sub- 
mission of Jagat .Singh.) 


{Reduction of Palamun, and submission of its Raja.) 
(Text, vol. ii. p. 376.) At the beginning of Rabi'u»8~ 



sani, it was made known to the £mperor that Prince 
Aurangzeb, under the - influence of ill-advised, short- 
sighted companions, had determined to withdraw from 
worcUy o<^upations, and to pass his days in retirement. 
His Majesty disapproved of liiis, and took from the Prince 
his mansab and his jagir, and dismissed him from the 
office of Governor-General of the Dakhin. Khan-dauran 
Bahadur Nusrat Jang was appointed to succed him. 


('All Murdan Khan Amiru-l Umara sent to chastise 
Tardi 'AH Katghan of Balkh. — Successful result.) 

(p. 385.) On the 29th Zi-1 hijja. Prince Aurangzeb 
was appointed Governor of Gujarat. . . 


{Affairs of Nazar Muhammad Khan of Balkh — Operations 
in Kabul.) 

(p. 411.) On the 29th Shawwal, 1055, died Nur Jahan 
Beg^am, widow of the late Emperor Jabangir. After 
her marriage with the Emperor, she obtained such an 
ascendency over him, and exercised such absolute con- 
trol over civil and revenue matters, that it would be' 
unseemly to dilate upon it here. After the accession of 
the Emperor Shah Jahan, he settled an annual allow- 
ance of two lacs of rupees upon her.** 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 482.) Ever since the beginning of his 
reign, the Emperor's heart had been set upon the con- 
quest of Balkh and Badakhshan, which were hereditary 

** Khafi Khan says that after Jahangir's death she 
wore only white clothes, she never went to parties of 
amusement of her own accord, but lived in private and 
in sorrow. She was buried at Lahore in a tomb she had 
built for herself by the side of Jahangir. 


'abdu-l. hamid lahori 

territories of his house, and were the keys to the acquisi- 
tion of Samarkand, the home and capital of his great 
ancestor Timur Sahib-Kiran. He was more especially 
intent on this because Nazar Muhammad Khan had had 
the presumption to attack Kabul, from whence he had 
been driven back in disgrace. The prosecution of the 
Emperor's cherished enterprise had been hitherto pre- 
vented by various obstacles; . . but now the foundations 
of the authority of Nazir Muhammad were shaken, and 
his authority in Balkh was ^ecarious. . . So the Em- 
peror determined to send his son Murad Bakhsh with 
•fifty thousand horse, and ten thousand musketeers, 
rocket-men and gunners, to effect the conquest of that 
country. . . On the last day of Zi-1 hijja, 1055 H., the 
Emperor gave his farewell to Prince Murad Bakhsh, to 
Amiru-1 Umara ('Ali Mardan^ Khan)*^ and the other 
oflBcers sent on this service. {Plan af. 'campaign. . . Pro- 
gress of the Emperor to KabuV— Details of the campaign. 
— Capture of the fort of Kahnuwd^ and the stronghold of 
Ghori — Conquest of Kundaz and Balkh, and flight of 
Nazar Muhammad. — Revenues of Nazar Muhammad.) 


{Prince Murad Bakhsh desires to retire from Balkh. — 
Displeasure of the Emperor expressed in a despatch. — 
The Prince persists). Many of the amirs and mansab- 
dars who were with the prince concurred in this unrea- 
sonable desire. Natural love of home, a preference for 
the people and the manners of Balkh, and the rigours 
of the climate, all conduced to this desire. This resolu- 
tion became a cause of distress among the raiyats, of 
despondency among the soldiery, and of hesitation among 
the men who were coming into Balkh from all quarters. 
The soldiers, seeing this vacillation, began to plunder 
and oppress the people: So, when the Prince's desire was 

^'Who was of course the real commander. 



i^>eatedly expressed, the Emperor's anger was increased. 
He deprived the prince of his mansab, and took from 
him his tuyul of Multan. Under these circumstances, to 
settle the confusion in Baikh, the Emperor found it 
necessary to send there a trustworthy and able manager; 
so he selected Sa'du-lla Khan, his Prime Minister. {Fight- 
ing in Badakhshan. — Settlement of Balkh.) Sa-du-Ua 
Khan returned on the 5th Sha'ban, 1056 H., having set- 
tled the afFairs of Balkh, and restored order and tran- 
quillity among the soldiers and people, and rescued the 
country from wretdiedness. He had most effectually 
carried out the orders of the Empe^r, and was reward- 
ed with a khifat, and a thousand) increase to his man- 
sab. (Pnnce Murad Bakhsh restored to his mansab of 
12,000. — Much fighting near Balkh and Shaburghan.) 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 627.) On the 24th Zi-1 hijja, 1056, the 
Emperor bestowed the countries of Balkh and Badakh- 
shan on Aurangzeb, and increased his mansab to 15,000 
personal and ten thousand horse, eight thousand being 
do-aspahs or sih-aspahs . . . He was directed to proceed 
to Peshawar, and on the arrival of spring to march to 
Balkh, in company with Amiru-1 Umara 'Ali Mardan 
Khan, and a body of Rajputs, who had left Balkh and 
Badakhshan in disgust, and had come to Peshawar, where 
they were stopped by an Imperial order directing the 
ofEcers at Atak not to allow them to cross the Indus. 


(Text, vol. ii. p. 637.) By the reports of the commanders 
in Balkh and Badakhshan. the Emperor was informed 
that 'Abdu-1 'Aziz Khan, governor of Turan, . . intend- 
ed to invade Balkh at the beginning of spring. On the 
15th Muharram Prince Aurangzeb was sent on to Balkh 
with a body of Imperial soldiers, and the Emperor him- 


'abdu-l hamid lahori 

«el£ determined to leave Lahore and go to Kabul for the 
xfaird time. 

{Long details of fighting in Balkh and Badakhshan, 
ending abruptly with a statement of the errors made on 
the Imperial side.) ■ 





(Muhammad Tahir, who received the title of 'Inayat 
Khan,, and was poetically named 'Ashna, was son of Zafar 
Khan'^in Khwaja Abu-1 Hasan. 

Zafar Khan, the author's father, was wazir of Jahan- 
gir. In the 'reign of Shah Jahan, he was at one time ruler 
of Kabul, and afterwards of Kashmir, during' which latter 
government he effected the conquest of Tibet recorded 
in the foregoing pages. At a later period he was 
appointed to the administration of Thatta. "He was cele- 
brated as a poet, as a patron of letters, and as a just and 
moderate ruler." 

'Inayat Khan's maternal grandfather, Saif Khan, was 
governor of Agra, and when Prince Shuja' was appoint- 
ed ruler of Bengal, Saif Khan was sent thither to conduct 
the administration until the arrival of the prince. 

The author, it appears, was born in the year that 
Shah Jahan came to the throne. In the seventh year of 
his age he received, as he informs us, ' 'a suitable man- 
iab." He was sent to join his father in Kashmir while 
he was governor there. He was afterwardsi^darog/ja-i 
dagh, and subsequently employed in a moife' congenial 
oflSce in the Imperial Library. "He inherited his father's 
talents and good qualities, and is said even to have sur- 
passed him in ability. He was witty and of agreeable 
manners, and was one of the. intimate friends of Shah 
Jahaii. Latterly he retired from c^ce, and settled in 
Kashmir, where he died in A.H. 1077 (A.D. 1666). In 
addition to the history of Shah Jahan's reign, he was au- 
thor of a Diwan and three Mamawii."^ 

^Morley's Catalogue. 



The sources of the first part of this Shah Jahan-nama 
are plainly acknowledged by the author. The first twenty 
years are in entire agreement with the Badshah-namay 
but are written in a more simple style. T^e history comes 
down to 1068 A.H., (1657-8 A.D.), the year in which 
Aurangzeb was declared Emperor, but of this event he 
takes no notice. The author does not inform us whether 
he used any other work after the Badshah-nama as the 
basis of his own, or whether the history of the last ten 
years is his own independent work. 

The following is the author's own account of his 
work translated from his Preface: 

"The writer of these wretched lines, Muhammad 
Tahir, commonly known as Ashna, but bearing the title 
of 'Inayat Khan bin Muzaffar Khan bin Khwaja Abu-1 
Hasan, represents to the attention of men of intelligence, 
and acumen that in Rabi'u-1 awwal, in the 31st year of i 
the reign of the Emjperor Shah Jahan {six lines of titles 
and phrases), corresponding to 1068 H., he was appointed ; 
superintendent of the Royal Library, and there he found 
three series of the Badshah-nama, written by Shaikh 
'Abdu-1 Hamid Lahori and others, each series of which 
comprised the history of ten years of the illustrious reign. 
The whole of these memoirs completed one karn, which 
is an expression signifying thirty years. Memoirs of the 
remaining four years were written after his death by 
others. The author desires to observe that the style of 
these volumes seemed difficult and diffuse to his simple 
mind, and so he reflected that, although Shaikh Abu-1 
Fazl was ordered by the Emperor Akbar to write the his- 
tory of his reign, yet Khwaja Nizamu-d din Ahmad 
Bakhshi wrote a distinct history of that reign, which he 
called the Tabakat-i Akbar-shahi. Jannat-makani Nuru-d 
din Muhammad Jahangir, imitating the example of his 
ancestor the Emperor Zahiru-d din Muhammad Babar. 
himself wrote a history of his own reign; yet Mu'tamad 
Khan Bakhshi wrote a history of that reign, to which he 



gave the title <rf Ikbal-nama-i Jahangiri. Ghairat Khan 
Nak^abandi also brought together the chief events of 
that reign in a book whidi he called Ma-asir-i Jahangiri. 
(With these examfdes before him), it seemed to the writer 
of these pages that, as he and his ancestors had been 
devoted servants of the Imperial dynasty, it would be 
.well for him to write the history of the reign of Shah 
Jahan in a simple and dear style, and to reproduce the 
contents of the three volumes of Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Hamid 
in plain language and in a condensed foiin. Such a 
work (he thought) would not be superfluous, but rather 
a gain. So he set about his work, and the Almighty 
gave hira leisure, so that in a short time heueompleted it. 
The history froin the fpurtb' to the tenth year is based 
on the Padshah-nama oi Muhammad Amin Kazwini. 
commonly known as Aminai Munshi, which is written in 
a more simple style. And as only a selection has been 
made of the events recorded, this work is styled 

The title Mulakhkhas "Abridgment," which the 
author gave to his work, was too indefinite to last, and 
it is commonly known as Shah Jahan-nama. 

MSS. of this work seem to be common. - Sir H. M. 
Elliot has three borrowed copies. There are three 
in the British Museum, and one in the Library of the 
Asiatic Sodety. A copy belonging to the Raja of 
Benares is a handsome quarto of 12 inches _x 8^> and 
contains 360 leaves of 19 lines to the page. The whole of 
this work, from the beginning of the third year of the 
reign to the accession of Aurangzeb, with which it closes, 
was translated by the late Major Fuller. It Glis 561 
folio pages of close writing, and is in Sir H. M. Elliot's 
Library. The following Extracts are taken from that 


In the news from Balkh, which reached the ear of 

F. 6. 



royalty about this time, through the representations of 
the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, 
was the following: — Nazar Muhammad Khan, who, after 
■abandoning the siege of fort Maimanah, had stood fast 
at Nilchiragh,^ continued watching, both day and night, 
the eftorts of 'Abdul-1 'Aziz .Khan and his other sons, 
tivho were gone to oppose tbe royal army with all the 
UzL k forces of Mawarau-n Nahr, Balkh and Badakhshan, 
a^jxious to see what would be the result. As soon as he 
heard that they also had, like himself, become wanderers 
in the desert of failur owing to the superior prowess 
•ind vigour of the royalists, finding his hopes everywhere 
shai led, he despatched :n apologizing letter to the 
illustrious Prince, expressive of his contrition for past 
misdeeds, and ardept longing for an interview with His 
Royal Highness, stating that he was desirous of retriev- 
ing his fallen fortunes, through the intercessions of that 
ornament of the throne of royalty. The illustrious 
Prince having kept the envoy in attendance till the 
receipt of an answer, waited in expectation of the far- 
man's arrival, and the Khan's letter, which His Royal 
Highness had fohvarded to Court in the original, with 
some remarks of his own, was duly submitted to the 
auspicious perusal. As it hapipened, from the commence- 
ment of his invasion of BalkJi, this very design had been 
buried in the depths of his comprehensive mind, viz. that 
after clearing the Vingdoms of Balkh and Badakhshan 
from the thorny briers of turbulence and anarchy, he 
s ould restore them in safety to Nazar Muhammad Khan. 
The latter, however, scorning tlie dictates of prudence, 
hastened to Iran; but finding h'i affairs did not progress 
there to his satisfaction, he tur ed back, and at the sug- 
gestion of the Kalmaks and o ler associates, came and 
besieged the fort of Maimanah. in order that he mig^t 
seek shelter within its walls, and so set his mind at rest, 

'(Also written Pulchiragh or Bilchiragh.) 



In the end, however, after infinite toil and labour, seeing 
the capture of the stronghold in question to be beyond 
his reach, he departed without effecting his object, and 
moved to Nilchiragh, all which occurrences have been 
already fully detailr.d in their proper place. From the 
letters of reporters in those dominions, it was arther 
made known to his world-adorning understanding, that 
notwithstanding the servants, of the crown had manifested 
the most laudable zeal and anxiety to console the hearts of 
the peasantry in Balkh, and Badakhshan by giving them 
seed, and assisting them to plough and till their fields: 
yet, owing to the inroads of the Almans, most of the 
grain and crops had been destroyed, and the populous 
places desolated; and that the commanders of the army, 
and the chiefs of the soldiery, ow i ,ig to the dearth of 
provisions and the scarcity of grain, were extremely dis- 
gusted, and averse to remaining any longer in the 
country. From the contents of the Prince's letter, more- 
over, his unwillingness to stay at that capital was also 
discerned. Taking all this into consideration therefore, 
an edict was issued, directing His Royal Highness to 
deliver up Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad 
Khai , provided the latter would come and have an inter- 
view with him, and then set out with all the victorious 
forces for Hindustan, the type of Paradise. 

Cession of Balkh and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad 
Khan, and Retreat of Aurangzeb 

.... On the 4th of the month of Ramazan, early in the 
morning, which was the time selected for Nazar .Muham- 
mad Khan's "Herview, news came in that |>e had sent 
his grandson . luhammad Kasim, son of Knusru Sultan, 
in company with Kafsh Kalmak and several chiefs, and 
that they had all advanced two kos beyond the bridge 
of Khatab. The Prince, appreciating ^he gradations of 
r^nk, deptired his son, Mohammad Sultan, along with 
Bahadur Khan an! some sther nobles, to go and meet 


him; and that early fruit of the orchard of royalty having 
dutifully obeyed the command, brought the individual 
in question into his noble father's presence. The 
Prince, well versed in etiquette, then folded Mu hamm ad 
Kasim in a fond embrace, and placed him in an adjoin- 
ing seat; after which Kafsh Kalmak delivered the Khan's 
letter, full of apologies for not having come in consequ- 
ence of an attack of indisposition, and represented that the 
Khan, being obliged to forego the pleasure of an inter- 
view, had sent Muhammad Kasim as his representative, 
with a view to rcmo\c all suspicion of his having wilfully 
broken his promise. i ) 

After dismissing Muhammad Kasim, the' Prince 
addressed the commanders of the army in that country, 

viz saying, iiis instructions were, to deliver over 

^alkli and Badakhshan to Nazar Muhammad Khan, 
after the interview; but now that the latter had only sent 
his grandson, excusing himself on the pretended plea of 
sickness, he could not carry out this measure without a 
distinct order. He told them to take into consideration, 
however, that the country was desolated, winter close at 
hand, grain scarce, and time short; so that there would be 
great difficulty in making arrangements for the winter, 
and remaining in the kingdom during that inclement 
season, and asked them what was their opinion on the 
subject. Ihe principal chiefs replied, that the passes of 
the Hindu Koh were just about to be covered by snow, 
when the road would be blocked up; so that, if he 
reported tlie matter, and waited the arrival of instruc- 
tions, the opportunity would slip through his hands. 
They therefore came to the unanimous conclusion, that 
His Royal Highness should recall all the governors of 
forts and persons in charge of places around Balkh. 

As a vast number of mercenary soldiers, consisting 
of Uzbeks and Almans, had crossed the river Jihun, and 
spread themselves over those regions, and wherever they 
saw a .foncourse of people, took the first opportunity of 



assailing them. Raja Jai Singh was despatched to 
Turmuz to fetch Sa'adat Khan. The Prince was also on 
the point of starting off Bahadur Khan to bring back 
Rustam Khan from Andkhod, and Shad Khan from 
Maimanah, so that they might rejoin the army in safety. 
In the interim, however, a letter arrived from Rustam 
Khan, saying, that as he had ascertained that the country 
was to be delivered up to Nazar Muhammad Khan, he 
had set out from Andkhod to Maimanah, with -the ioten- 
tion of taking Shad Khan from thence in company with 
him, and proceeding towards Kabul by way of San- 
charik. The Prince then marched with all the royal 
farces from the neighbourhood of Faizabad, and en- 
camped at Chalkai, which lies contiguous to the city of 
Balkh; where, having ceded the country to Nazar Muham- 
mad Khan, he delivered up the town and citadel of 
Balkh to Muhammad Kasim and Kafsh Kalmak. He 
presented the former of these, on bidding him farewell, 
with a jewelled dagger, a horse caparisoned with golden 
trappings, and 50,000 rupees out of the royal treasury. 
He also committed to his charge, among the stores con- 
tained in the fort and city, 50,000 mans of grain belong- 
ing to His Majesty, which, estimated by the rate ruling 
at that time, was worth five lacs of rupees; and besides 
this, all the granaries of the other forts. At this stage, 
Mirza Raja Jai Singh returned from Turmuz, accom- 
panied by Sa'adat Khan, and joined the army. From 
the beginning of the invasion of Balkh and Badakhshan 
till the end, when those conquered territories were ceded 
to Nazar Muhammad Khan, there was expended out of 
the State exchequer, in the progress of this undertaking, 
the sum of two krors of rupees, which is equivalent to 
seven lacs of the tumans current in Irak. 

To be brief, on the 14th of the aforesaid month of 
Ramazan, the Prince started from Chalkai 'with all the 
royal forces for Kabul. He appointed Amiru-1 Uinara 
with a party to form the left wing; Mirza Raja Jai Singh 



with his, tb3 right; and Bahadur Khan the rear-guardi 
whilst he s'nt on Mu'tamad Khan, the Mir-i atish, with 
the wh-^ie of the royal artiller^inen, and Pirthi Raj 
Rathor, as a vanguard; so that the bands of Uzbeks, ever 
watching for an opportunity of attack, might not be able 
to harass and cut off the stragglers in the rear of the 
army,\V^ iist winding through the narrow defiles and 
passes. As it was an arduous task for the whole army to 
cross the pass of 'Arbang in one day, the victoriou«^ 
Prince himself having marched through it safely, waitea 
on the further side with Amiru-1 Umara, till the entire 
army was over; and by His Royal Highness's ordT, 
Bahadur J'han halted at the mou(h of the above pass, 
for the sake of helping the camp and baggage throug'. 
He was also in the habit of sending some of the trooj 3 
every day to protect the party who went out to fetch 
r,Tass pnd firev d. One day, when the turn for this 
duty C9 ne to namsher Khan, Khushhal Beg Kashghari, 
and ov crs of his countrymen, the Uzbeks, imagining the 
party 10 be a small one, advanced, to the nvunber of 
abo u 5,000 horsemen, and one moiety of them having 
encompassed Shamsher Khan and his comrades in the 
midst, the other took up a position on the summit of 
some eminences. Bal adn^ Khan, having received intima- 
tion of this, went to 1 -, support, and having mo.> 
several of those marauders n prey to the sword of veno;e- 
ance, put the remainder to flight; whilst out of the r< yal 
troops some few were wounded. On the third day of 
the halt, whilst the rest of the army were crossing the 
pass of 'Arbang, a body of Almans made their appcar- 
afice; whereupon Nazar Bahadur Khan, Kheshji Ratan 
son of Muhesh Das, and some others, charged them on 
one side, and on the other Mu'tamad Khan with the 
artillerymen, and a number of the Prince's retainers. 
The enemy, unable to withstand the shock, turned and 
fled, closely pursued by the royalists, who killed and 
wounded a few of them. 



The day they had to march from Ghori by way of 
Khwaja'Zaid, as .the road to the next stage, which had 
been selected on the bankis of the Surkhab, was extreme- 
ly difficult, and there was a great likelihood of an attack 
from the Uzbeks and Hazaias, the Prince left Aniirui 
Umara at the top of the aforesaid pass, to protect the 
men who used to follow in rear of the army. As there 
was an interval of two kos between Amiru-1 Umara, 
Bahadur Khan, and the left wing of the army, a portion 
of the baggage, whlist treading the road, was phindered 
by the Hazaras. A vast body pf them also fell upon the 
treasure; but Zu-1 Kadar Khan, and the rest who were 
with it, firmly held their ground, and the battle was 
warmly contested till some part of the night was spent. 
Amiru-1 Umara, having been informed of the circum- 
stance, sent a detachment of his own men to their assist- 
ance; whereupon the enemy retreated in confusion. 
After the camp had advanced beyond Shaburghan, during 
the march to Nek Bihar and to Char-chashma, some 
injury accrued to the troops, in consequence of the 
narrowness 'and steepness of the road, and the rolling 
over of several laden beasts of burden, which were acci- 
dentally led along the top of the hill off the path by 
by some of the people who had lost their way. When 
they started from Char-chashma for the foot of the Hindu . 
Koh range, it was resolved, for the greater convenience 
of the troops, that the Prince shoiufd first cross the pass, 
and at the expiration of a day ^rairu-1 Umara should 
follow; that after him should come the royal treasure, 
kar-khana (wardrobe) and artillery, with all HU Royal 
Highness s establishment; and in this way, a p?rf)f having 
gradually crossed every day, Bahadur Khan, iwlio occu 
pied the rear of the victorious army, should follow last 
of all. The illustrious Prince, having reached the foot 
of the pass that day, passed over the Hindu Koh on the 
next, and though the weather was not intensely cold, yet 
as snow had fallen previously, and there was a hard 
frost, the men got over with considerable difficulty. 



On the morrow, the Prince reached Ghorband, 
whence he marched during the night into Kabul. When 
Amiru-l Umara, who followed one days' march in rear, 
was encamped at the foot of the pass, at midnight it 
began to snow, and continued doing without intermis- 
sion till morning; after which the weather became fair, 
and the Amir having got through the pass with his force, 
entered Kabul two days after His Royal Highness. As 
for Raja Jai Singh, who, the day the camp marched 
from Suildiab, had stayed behind by the Prince's orders 
at the place, on account of the narrowness of the road, 
and the difficulty of the defiles that occurred further on, 
as soon as he passed Char-cbashma, the snow commenced 
falling, and never once ceased all that day and the next, 
during which he halted on the road. After arriving at 
the pass of the Hindu K oh, till crossing over it, the snow 
kept falling for three more days and nights; and Zu-1 
Kadar Khan, whose duty it was to guard the treasure, 
seeing, when fo\ir kos distant from the Hindu Koh, that 
a snow-storm was coming on, started at once in the hope 
of getting the treasure through the pass, before it could 
have time to stop up the road. It chanced, however, 
that the snow gradually accumulated to such a depth, 
that most of the camels tumbled down, and nearly half 
of them were rendered quite unserviceable, so that the 
Khan in question, despite his utmost exertions, was un- 
able to cross that day. In consequence of the intense 
cold, his comrades, both horse and foot, got dispersed, 
and saving a few servants of the crown, no one remained 
with him;- nevertheless he stayed on the summit pf the 
ridge, to gxiard the treasure, nothwithstanding the snow- 
storm. In the morning, having laden a portion of it on 
such of the camels as were capable of travelling, he 
started it ofiE in advance to Ghorband, escorted by some 
of the horsemen; whilst he himself with a few others 
occupied themselves in guarding the remainder, and 
spent sveen days and nights on the top of the Hindu 




Koh in the midst of snow and intense cold, and with but 
a scanty supply of provisions, waiting for Bahadur 
Khan's arrival, who was behind. Tfag fortunes of t|»e 
latter were as follows. As soon as he reached the fjflss 
of Nek Bihar, which is two marches from the Hindu 
Koh, and has a very precipitous descent, the snow bfigan 
to fall, and continued coming down all night till t*M^|vC 
o'clock next day. Owing to the difficulties of the p«H$, 
which were greatly enhanced by the heavy fall of snow, 
he only got the rest of the camp and army through vrilh 
immense labour. At this juncture, tlie malicioBS Haaa- 
TciS, in their eager desire for plunder, assaulted the camp 
followers more desperately than every but Bahadur Khan 
each time inflicted summary chastisement on the free- 
booters, and drove therh off. After reaching the foot of 
the Hindu Koh pass, and halting there for a day, he 
sent on all those who had lagged in the rear, and as soon 
as they were across, set out himself. As most of the 
people spent the night on the summit of the pass, on 
account of the difficult roads, and the intense coldness of 
a mountain climate, heightened by the deep snow and 
chilling blasts, some of the men and cattle that were 
worn out and.infnm perished. Accordiiigl), from +he 
first commencement of the army's crossing to the en<J, 
about 5,000 men, and a similar number of animals, Such 
as horses, elephants, camels, oxen, etc., were destroyec, 
and a vast deal of property remained buried in the snow. 
When Bahadur Khan came to the top of the pass, and 
Zu-1 Kadar Khan explained the state of affairs to him, 
he halted there, and in company with Ikhlas Khan, and 
some other nobles and mansabdars who still stood by 
him, spent the night on the spot. In the morning, 
having thrown the baggage off all such of his own camels 
as he could find, he loaded them with the treasure, and 
distributed the rest among the horses and camels belong- 
ing lo the troops. Just as he was on the point of start' 
ing, a body of Hazaras came up in the rear, and seeing 



the paucity of his detachment, resolved upon niakin 
an assault, for the sake of carrying off the treasure. 
Bahadur Khan, however, faced about, and made some of 
the doomed wretches a prey to (the crocodile of) his 
bloodthirsty sword, and routed the remainder. He then 
set out with the treasure, and reached Balkh along with 
his comrades, after an interval of fourteen days from the 
time of the Prince's arrival there. ^- 

Despatch of a Candlestick to the Glorious City . 

Among the events of this year was the despatch of a 
candlestick studded with gems to the revered tomb of the 
Prophet (on whom be the greatest favours, and bless- 
ings!) an account of which is here given. Some time 
previous to this it was represented that a wonderfully 
large diamond from a mine in the territoiy of Golkonda 
had fallen into the hands of Kutbu-1 Mulk; whereupon 
an order was issued, directing him to forward the sane 
to Court; when its estimated value would be taken into 
account, as part of the two lacs of hurts (pagodas), which 
was the stipulated amount of his annual tribute. He 
accordingly sent the diamond in question, which weigh- 
ed in its rough state 180 ratis, to Court; and after His 
Majesty's own lapidaries had cut away as much of the 
outer surface as was requisite to disclose all its beauties, 
there remained a rare gem of 100 ratii weight, valued by 
the jewellers ai one lac and 50,000 rupees. As such a 
valuable diamond as this had never been brought to the 
threshold, resembling the Eiysian abode, since his acces- 
sion to the throne, the pious monarch, the bulwark of 
religion, with the best intention, and the utmost since- 
rity of purpose, made a vow to send it to the pure sepul- 
chre of the last of the Prophets {on whom be 
peacel). Having therefore selected out of the amber 
candlesticks that he had amongst his private propetfy 
the largest of them all. which weighed 700 tolas, si^d 
was worth 10,000 rupees, he commanded that it should 
.be covered with a network of gold, ornamented , on all 



sides with fldwers, and studded with gums, among which 
that valuable diamond should also be included. 

In short, that incomparable candlestick cost two lacs 
and 50,000 rupees, of which one lac and 50,000 was the 
price of the diam id, anid the remaining lac the worth 
of all the gems and gold, tbgether with the original cand- 
lestick. Mir Saiyid Ahamad Sa'id Bahari, who had once 
before conveyed charitable presents to the two sacred 
cities, was then deputed to take charge of this precious 
offering; and an edict was promulgated to the effect, that 
the revenue collectors of the province of Gujarat should 
purchase a lac and 60,000 n.pees worth of goods for the 
sacred fane, and deliver it over to him, so that he might 
take it along with him from thence. Out of this, he was 
directed to present 50,000 rupees worth to the Sharif of 
Mecca; to sell 60,000 rupees worth, and distribute the 
proceeds, together with any profit that might accrue, 
amongst the indigent of that sacred city; and the re- 
maining 50,000, in like manner, amongst those of the 
glorious Medina. The above-named Saiyid, who was 
only in receipt of a daily, stipend, was promoted to a 
suitable mansab, and having been munificently present-, 
ed with a dress of onour and a donation of 12,000 
rupees, received his ismissal. 


The following is an exact account of the founding of the 
splendid fort in the above-named metropolis, with its 
edifices resembling Paradise, which was constructed in 
the environs of the city of Dehli, on the banks of the 
river Jumna. It first occurred to the omniscient mind 
that he should select on the banks of the aforesaid river 
some pleasant site, distinguished by its genial climate, 
where he might found a solendid ^ort and delightful edi- 
fices, agreeably to the promptings of his g^erous heart, 
through which streams of water should be made to flow. 


and the terraces o£ which should overlook, {he river. 
When, after a long search, a piece of ground outside of 
the city of Dehli, lying between iht most d&tant suburbs 
and Nurgarh', commonly called Salimgarh, was fixed 
upon for this purpose, by the royal command, on the 
night of Friday, the 25th of Zi-1 hijja, in the twelfth 
year of his auspicious reign, corresponding to 1048 A.H., 
being the time appointed by the astrologers, the found- 
ations were marked out with the usual ceremonies, 
according to the plan devised, in the august presence. 
Active labourers were then employed in digg ng the 
foundations, and on the night of Friday, the 9th of 
Muharram, of the year coinciding with 1049 A.H. (1639 
A.D.), the foundation-stone of that noble structure was 
laid. Throughout the Imperial dominions, wherever 
artificers could be foun-f. whether plain store-cutters, 
ornamental sculptors, masons, or carpenters, by the man- 
date worthy of implicit obedience, they were all collected 
together, and multitudes of common labourers were em- 
ployed in the work. It was ultimately completed on the 
24th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, in the twenty-first year of his 
reign, corresponding to 1058 A.H., at an outlay of 60 
lacs of rupees, after taking nine years three months and 
some days in building. 

FIROZ shah's canal 

The canai that SulLan Firoz Shah Khilji, during the time 
he reigned at I)ehli, had made to branch off from the 
river Jumna, in the vicinity ol pargana Khizrabad, 
whence he brought it in a channel 30 Imperial kos long 
to the confines of pargMita Safidun, which was his hunt- 
ing-seat, and had only a stinty supply of water, had, 
after the Sultan's death, become in the course of time 
ruinous. Whilst Shah^bi*?d din Ahmad Khan held the 
government of Dehli, d" ing the reign of the Emperor 
Akbar, he put it in repair and sCf it flowing again, with 
a view to fertilize the places in his jagir, and hence it 



was called Nahr-i SLahab; but for want of i airs, ^-^w- 
ever, it again stopped flowing. At the time when me 
sublime attention was turned to the building of this fort 
and pawnee, it was commanded that the aforesaid canal 
from Khizrabad to Safidun should be repaired, and a new 
channel excavated from the latter spot to the regal resi-^ 
dence, which also is a distance of 30 Imperial kos. After 
it was thus prolonged, it was designated the Nahr-i 


Advance of the Persians against Kandahar — Despatch of 
an army thither 

On the 22nd of the mon^h of Ramazan, when the 
standards of prosperity, after their return from Safidun, 
were plante at His Majesty's private hunging-seat, it 
reacher' the ear of royalty, through the representations 
of Daulat Khan, ruler 'oi Kandahar, and PurdJl Khan, 
governor of fort Bust, that Shah 'Abbas the Second, 
having come to the sacicd city of Tus (Mashhad-i 
Mukaddas), w:"'h intent -O r< scue the kingdom of Kan- 
dahar, had proceeded towards the confin,^ ot Kiurasan, 
with all his matchlockmen^ and p oncers. It x^ .s, be- 
sides, reported that he had despaichcd men to Farah, 
Sistan, and other places; to collect supplies of gi»in, and 
having sent on a^ party in advance t© Hirat, was doing 
his utmost to block up the road on this side; being well 
aware that, during the winter, oyving to the quantity of 
snow- on the ground, the arrival oi reinforcements from 
Hindustan by way of Kabul ai d Multan was impractic- 
able, he proposed advancing in this direction during^ 
that inclement season, . and hau despatched Shah Kuli 
Beg, son of Maksud Beg. his wazir, as expeditiously as 
possible, with a letter to Court, and further that the 

* The word which Major Fuller smajtfnslates is- 
"tufangchi." ^i, 



individual in question bad reached Kandahar, and 
without halting more than three days, had resumed his 
journey to the august presence. 

His Majesty, after hearing, this intelligence, having 
summoi^ed 'AUami Sa'du-Ua Khan from the metropolis, 
commanded him to write farmans to all the nobles and 
mansabdars who were at thd respective estates, jagirs, 
and homes, directing them to set out with all speed for 
Court. It was likewise ordered that the astrologers 
should determine the proper moment for the departure 
of the world-traversing camp from the metropolis to the 
capitals Lahore and Kabul. 

appointment of prince muhammad aurangzeb bahadur, 

'allami sa'du-lla khan^ etc., to lead the army 

against kandahar 

As soon as it reached the royal ear, through Daulat 
Khan's representations, that on the 10th of 2i-I hijja, 
the Shah had arrived outside the fortress of Kandahar,, 
and besieged it, the ever-successful Prince Muhammad 
Aurangzeb Bahadur was appointed to proceed thither 
with 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan, and some of the chief oflE- 
cers of State, such as Bahadur Khan, Mirza Raja Jai 
Singh, Rustam Khan, Raja Bithaldas, and Kalich Khan. 
Besides these, there were upwards of fiifty individuals from 
amongst the nobles, and a vast number of mansabdars, 
ahadi archers, and matchlockmen — the whole number of 
whom, under the regulation requiring them to bring 
one-fifth Ox their respective tallies of fighting men into 
the field, would amount to 50*000 horsemen, and accord- 
ing to the rule enforcing a foui^h, to 60,000 — as well as 
]0,CDO infantry, matchlock and re' et men, etc. It was 
ordered that subsidiary grants of i ney out of the State 
exchequer should be made to the nobles and mansab- 
dars holding jagirs, who were appointed to serve in this 
expedition, at the ratQ, of 100 rupees for every individual 
horseman, which would be a lac Jot every hundred; that 



to those who drew pecuniary stipends in place of hold- 
ing jagirs, three month's pay in advance should be dis- 
bursed; and in like manner also to the ahadis and 
matchlockmen, who numbered 5,000 horse, should a 
similar advance be made; so that they might not suffer 
any privations during the campaign from want of funds 
to meet their current expenses. 

On the 18th of the month of Muharram, it being 
a fortunate moment, 'Allami was dismissed along^with 
the nobles who were present in Flis Majesty's fortunate 
train, and jarmans were issued to those who were stay- 
ing in the province of Kabul and other places, to join the 
royal forces at once. Various marks of favour and re- 
gard were manifested towards '.\Uami and his associ- 
ates, on their taking leave, by the bestowal of khil'als, 
jewelled daggers, and swords, horses, and elephants on 
them, according to their different grades of rank. He 
also forwarded by the hands of 'Allami for the gallant 
Prince — to whom an order had been issued previous to 
this, directing him to start instantly from Multan and 
overtake the royal forces at Bhimbhar — a handsome 
khil'at. ... It was further commanded that the eveqr- 
victorious army should hasten to Kabul via Bangash-i 
bala and Bangash-i payin, as they were the shortest 
routes, and thence proceed by way of Ghazni towards 


On the 8th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, when the victorious camp 
started from Jahangirabad, intelligence reached the 
Court that the servants of the crown had lost possession 
of the fortresses of Kandahar and Bust, and all the rest 
in that country; a detailed account of which events is 
here given. When Shah 'Abbas came from Tus to Hirat, 
he proceeded from thence to Farah; where, having halt- 
ed some days, he marched upon Kandahar, having, how- 
ever, first despatched Mihrab Khan wi):h some of his 
nobles, and an additional number of matchlockmen, etc.. 



amounting altogether to about 8,000 horsemen, to be- 
siege the fortress of Bust, and Saz Khan Baligh with five 

r six thousand composed of Kazalbasbis and the troops 
of Karki and Naksari,' to subdue Zamindawar. On 
reaching that place, he fixed his head-quarters in the 
garden of Ganj Kuli Khan, whilst Kaulat Khan, who 
had shut himself up in the fortress, having committed 
the interior of the stronghold to the charge of trusty- 
persons, appointed a party of the royal matchlockmen 
and a portion o£ his own men to occupy the summit of 
Kambul Hill. The defence of the towers he left 
to the care of Kakar Khan, to whom he also sent soule 
of the matchlockmen; and the protection of the intrench- 
luents below the Basburi and Khwaja Khizr gates he 
entrusted to Nur-1 Hasan, bakhshi of ahadis, witli a 
l)ody of tlie latter who were serving under him. He 
.lisc appointed some of the household troops, and a 
number ,of matchlockmen belonging to the Kandahar 
levies, to garrison the fortifications of Daulatabad and 
Mandavi, and having consigned the superintendence of 
ihera to Mirak Husain, bakhshi of Kandahar, came him- 
self from the citadel to the former of these two forts, for 
the purpose of looking after the intrenchments. Widi 
a wanton disregard to the dictates of prudence, however, 
he did not attend to the defence of the towers, that 
Kalich Khan, in the days of his administration, had con- 
structed expressly for such an occasion, on. the top of the 
hill of Chihal-Zinah (forty steps), whence guns and 
mitchlocks could be fired with effect into the forts of 
Daulatabad and Mandavi. The Kazalbashis, therefore, 
seeing those towers devoid of protection, despatched a 
nuriber of matchlockmen to take post in them, and open 

. cestructive fire. They also laid out intrenchments in 
;: different quarters. . . . 
'At length a number of the garrison, from want of 

* Variously written and doubtful. 



spirit, lost the little courage they possessed, and Shadi 
Uzbek having entered into a conspiracy with the Kazal- 
bashis, seduced Kipchak Khan from his duty. Though 
the latter was not naturally inclined at heart to this 
course of behaviour, yet as his companions had their 
families with them, through dread of losing their wealth, 
their lives, and their good repute, they would not let him 
follow the bent of his own disposition, so he was neces- 
sarily compelled to ally himself with those unfortunates. 
Some of the Mughal mansabdars, ahadis, and matchlock- 
men too, having sprinkled the dust of treason on the 
heads of loyalty, entered into a league with them, and 
having come in front of the fort, declared that, in conse- 
quence of all the roads being closed, from the vast quan- 
tity of snow on the ground, there was no hope of the 
early arrival of succour, and that it was evident from the 
untiring efforts of the Kazalbashis, that they would very 
shortly capture the fort, and after its reduction by force 
and violence, neither would there be any chance of their 
own lives being spared, nor of their offspring being saved 
from captivity. The wretched Daulat Khan, who ought 
instantly to have extinguished the flames of this sedition 
with ihe water of the sword, showed an utter want of 
spirit, by contenting himself with offering advice in re- 
ply. This, however, made no impression on the indivi- 
duals in question, who got up, and departed to their 
respective homes, so that nought but a scanty fof ce being . 
left in the intrenchments, the Kazalbashis entered the 
Sher-Haji in several places. As for the party that forced 
an entrance on the side of the Babawali gate, some of 
the household troops and Daulat Khan's followers, who 
occupied that quartei-, rushed upon them, whereupon 
several were killed on both sides. 

Meanwhile, the traitor Shadi sent a message to the 
governor of the fort, who was stationed at the above 
gate, to say that Muhammad Beg Baki had come, bearing 
a letter and message from the Shah, and accompanied by 
Sharafu-d din Husain, a mansahdar who was darogha of 



the buildings and magazines in the tort oi Bust. Daulai 
khan, on this, despatched Mirak Husain Bakhshi, for the 
purpose of sending away Muhammad Beg from the gate; 
but as soon as the bakhshi reached the gate of Veskaran, 
he noticed Kipchak Khan, Shadi, and a number of the 
Mughal mansabdars, sitting in the gateway, and per- 
ceived that they had brought Muhammad Beg inside, 
and seated him in front ot them, and that he had 
brought four letters, one addressed to Daulat Khan, 
and the other three to Shadi, Nuru-l Hasan and Mirak 
Husain, and was saying that he had besides some ver- 
bal messages to deliver. Mirak Husain therefore turn- 
ed back, and related the circumstances to Daulat Khan; 
whereupon that worthless wretch deputed his JLashkar- 
navis (paymaster of the forces) to detain Muhammad 
Beg there, and send Kipchak Khan, and Shadi to him. 
As soon as these ungrateful wretches came, acting in 
confomity with their advice, he adopted the contempti- 
ble resolution of proceeding to an interview with 
Muhammad Beg, and receiving and keeping the letters 
he brought. The Shah also sent a message to the; effect, 
that he should take warning from what had already 
befallen Purdil Khan, the governor of the fort of Bust, 
and his comrades; and neither prolong hostilities any 
further, nor strive to shed the blood and sully the fan- 
fame of himself and his comrades; and with a view to 
acquaint the inmates of the fort with the condition of the 
garrison of Bust, he despatched along with Muhanmaad 
Beg the aforesaid Sharafu-d din Husain, whom Mihrab 
Khan had started off loaded with chains in advance of 
himself. To this Daulat Khan replied, that he would 
leturn an answer five days hence; and it having been 
stipulated that during this interval hostilities should 
not be engaged in on either side, Muhammad Beg re- 
ceived his dismissal, and returned to his own camp. 

On the 5th day 'Ali Kuli Khan, brother of Rustam 
Khan, the former commander-in-chief, having come to 



Shadi's intrechment, and delivered a message, saying 
that the Shah had cominissioned him to ascertain their 
final decision, the pusillanimous Daulat Khan, with 
most of the servants of the crown, went to the gate, and 
invited him in. The latter, after being introduced, 
stated, that as they had already offered as gallant and 
stubborn a resistance as it was possible to make, it was 
now proper that they should refrain from fighting, and, 
applying themselves to the preservation of their lives 
and property, should send an individual along with him 
to deliver their reply. The worthless Daidat Khan ac- 
cordingly despatched 'Abdu-l Latif, diwan of Kandahar, 
for the purpose of procuring a safe conduct, in company 
Avith the above individual, and on the following day he 
returned with the written agreement. 

The villain Shadi, however, without waiting for 
the governor's evacuating the fort, surrendered the 
Veskaran gate, which was in his charge, during the night 
to the Kazalbashis, and hastened along with Kipchak 
Khan to the Shah's camp. However much the miser- 
able Daulat Khan exhorted his men to repair to the 
fort on the top of the hill, it was of no avail; though 
had he but taken shelter there with a detachment, he 
could have held out till the arrival of succour without 
suffering any harm. On the morrow, when the mansab- 
dars, ahadis, and matchlockmen, who were engaged in 
the defence of the gates of the new and old forts, march- 
ed out, after obtaining a safe conduct, with the except 
tion of the citadel where the helpless Daulat Khan was 
left with Kakar Khan, the base Raja Amar Singh, and 
some other mansabdars, as well as a party of his own 
adherents, every spot was in the possession of the Kazal- 

On the 9th of Safar, this year, 'Ali Kuli Khan came 
and said that any longer delay could not be permitted; 
whereupon the disloyal Daulat Khan delivered up a 
place <rf refuge of that description, and having marched 



out wiLli his goods and comrades, encamped at a dis- 
tance of d ku.s. During the period of the siege, which 
extended over two months, nearly 2,000 of the Kazal- 
bash army and 400 of the garrison were slain. 

Summarily, on the third day after Daulat Khan's 
dastardly evacuation of the fort, 'Ali Kuli Khan, Isa 
Khan, and his brother Jamshid ILhan, came to him, and 
intimated that the Shah had sent for him, as well as 
lor some ol his chief ofhcers and associates. The latter 
leplicd that it would be better for them to excuse him 
from tiiis trouble, or, if they were resolved upon taking 
him there, to manage so that there should be no delay 
in his getting his dismissal, and to give him a dress of 
iKJUOur, both of which requests were guaranteed by 'Ali 
Kuli Khan. The ill-fated Daulat Khan accordingly pro- 
ceeded with Kakar Khan and Nuru-1 Hasan, in company 
with the above-named nobles, to wail upon the Shah, 
and having received his dismissal after a few moments, 
returned to his own camp, and on the 18th of the month 
of Safar set out with a world of shame and ignominy 
for Hindustan. 

The Shah, in consequence of tlie horses with his 
army having mostly perished for want of forage, in ad- 
dition to which a scarcity of grain was experienced, ap- 
pointed Mihrab Khan, with about 10,000 Kazalbashis 
and slaves, armed with matchlocks, to garrison Kanda- 
har; and Dost 'Ali Uzbek with a detachment to guard 
the fortress of Bust, and returned himself to Khurasan 
on the 24th of this month. The account of the fortress 
of Bust is as follows. , . 


From the beginning of the siege, the flames of war and 
strife raged furiously for 54 days, and manv were killed 
and wounded on both sides; insomuch that during this 
period close upon" 600 of the Kazalbashis, and nearly half 
that number of Purdil Khan's followers, met their 
death. On the 14th Muhanam, this year, the governor 



tiaving begged for quarter, after entering into a strict 
agreement, had an interview with Mihrab Khan. The 
latter, having broken his engagement, put to death out 
of the 600 men, who had stood by the governor to the 
last, several persons, who being averse to the surrender, 
had protracted the struggle; and having made that indivi- 
dual himself a prisoner, together with the rest of his adher- 
ents, and his family and children, brought them all to 
the Shah at Kandahar. 

In Zamindawar the war was carried on as follows. 
As soon as Saz Khan Baligh besieged the fort, Saiyid 
Asadu-Ua, and Saiyid Bakar, sons of Saiyid Bayazid 
Bukhari, who were engaged in its defence, sent him a 
message, saying that the fort was a dependency of Kan- 
dahar, and without reducing the latter, its capture 
would be of no use; and it would therefore be better to 
suspend hostilities until the fate of Kandahar was ascer- 
tained, so that blood might not be shed fruitlessly. Saz 
Khan, concurring in the reasonableness of this proposi- 
tion, refrained from prosecuting siege operations, and 
having written to inform the Shah of the fact, sat down 
to await intelligence. A messenger from the Shah at 
length brought to the Saiyids a letter, detailing the cap- 
ture of the fortresses of Bust and Kandahar; whereupon 
ihey surrendered the fort. 


The exploits of the royal army were as follows. The 
day that 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan crossed the Nilab with 
the royal forces. Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur 
having arrived from Multan, also effected his passage 
over the river; and the whole of the forces set out at 
once in His Royal Highness's train for Kohat. On re- 
aching that place, he halted to await the receipt of in- 
telligence regarding the snow; and presently a letter 
arrived from Khalil Beg, who had been sent on in ad- 
vance to level the road and construct bridges, to the 



effect that on the road through Ihe hill-country along 
the Kohistan route the snow was lying so deep that even 
if no more fell, the road would not probably be passable 
for at least a month. The ever-victorious Prince conse- 
quently relinquished his design of proceeding by that 
route, but started in the direction ot Peshawar, by way 
of the pass of Sendh-Basta, which is an extremely ugged 
and difficult road, and without entering that city, pur- 
sued his journey by the regular stages to Kabul. . . . 

Sa'du-lla Khan having set out with his comrades 
at full speed, came and pitched camp during the night 
in the suburbs of Shahr Safa. Having left Mubarak 
Khan Niazi to guard that city, he marched thence, and 
in three days reached the neighbourhood of Kandahar, 
on the 12th of Jumada-i awwal of this year; whence 
Kasadah Khwaja, which is half a kos from the fortress, 
became the site of his camp. As the 14th erf the above- 
named month was the time fixed upon for commencing 
the siege, he halted next day to await the arrival of the 
victorious Prince, and the advent of the a|^x)inted time 
for the siege, but rode out in company with the com- 
manders erf the royal forces, and made a reconnoitring 
lour round the fortifications. On the 14th the Prince 
came up from the rear, and having joined the army, 
fixed his headquarters half a kos from the fortress. . . . 

TWICNm-ITIlRl) YK^R OF THE REIGN, 1059 A.H. (1649 A.D.) 

As it was represented that during the progress of the 
victorious forces towards Kandahar a great deal of the cul- 
tivation of Ghazni and its dependencies had been trodden 
under foot by the army, the merciful monarch, the chcri- 
sher of his people, despatched the sum of 2000 gold 
jnohurs, in rhargc of a trusty mdividuiil. with direc- 
tions to inquire into the loss sustained by the argicullur- 
ists. and distribute it amongst them accordingly. 

After the forlrcss of Kandahar had been besieged for 
three months and a half, so that grain and fodder were 



'*^'^"^>i^g to get scarce, notwithstandiog tiie iKaiae- 
worthy exertions of the faithful servants of the crown, 
owing to their having with them neither a siege train of 
battering guns, nor skilful artillerymen, the capture of the 
f<H-tress seemed as distant as ever. Fra: these reasons, and 
as the winter also was close at hand, a farman was issued 
to the illustrious Prince, to the effect that, as the reduc- 
tion of the fortress without the aid of heavy guns was 
impracticable, and there was nm now sufficient time 
remaining for them to arrive in, he ^ould defer its cap- 
ture till a more convenient opportunity, and start for 
Hindustan with the victtwious troop* The Prince 
Buland Ikbal Dara Shukoh was also ordered to taary 
some time at Kabul, and rirectly he heard the news of 
the Kandahar army's arrival at Ghazni, to set out for the 
paresence. . . . 

As the winter was now clOse at hand, and forage had 
become unattainable, notwithstandii^ hearing of the 
death of Mihrab Khan, the kiladar, from a number of 
persons, who came out of the fortress, the Prints did not 
deem it expedient to delay any Icmger, but, in obedience 
to die mandate worthy of ail attention, set out with the 
victco-ious forces from Kandahar on the 8th of the month 
(rf Ramazan this year for Hindustan. . . . 


The Emperor Excused The Fast 

As his most gracious Majesty had diis year advanced in 
joy and prosperity beyond the age of sixty, and the 
divine precepts sanctitming the non-observance <rf the 
fast came into force, the learned doctors and muftis, 
acooiding to the glcnrious ordinances of the Kuran, by 
way oi Adfilling the commandments of the law, decreed 
that it would be lawful for His Majesty, whose blessed 
person is the source of the administration of the woiid, 
to expend funds in charity in lieu of observing the fast. 
The monarch, the lover of religion, and worshipper of 
the divine law, therefore, lavished 60,000 rupees on the 



deserving poor; and at his command, every night during 
the sacred month divers viands and all sorts of sweet- 
meats were laid out in the Chihalsitun in front of the 
balcony of public audience, with which famishtng and 
destitute people appeased their hunger. It was further 
resolved that henceforward a similar plan should be 
pursued during every month of Ramazan. 


Subjugation of Tibet 

On the 23rd Jumada-s sani, which was the time fixed for 
entering Kashmir, the Emperor alighted in safety at the 
royal apartments of the fort. 

On the 4th of Rajab His Majesty paid a visit to the 
Mosque, which had been erected in the most exquisite 
style of art, for the asylum of learning, MuUa Shah 
Badakhshani, at a cost of 40,000 rupees, the requisite 
funds having been provided by Nawab 'Aliya, and was 
surrounded by buildings to serve as habitations for the 
poor, which were constructed at a further outlay of 
20,000 rupees. 

On the 12th of this month, Adam Khan's munshi 
and his nephew Muhammad Murad, as well as the sons 
of Salim Beg Kashghari, who ranked amongst the auxi- 
liaries serving in the province of Kashmir, and had stood 
security for the two former individuals, were appointed 
to proceed to Tibet, with a number of zamindars, to 
exterminate a rebel named Mirza Jan, and subdue the 
fort of Shkardu, together with the territory of Tibet, 
which had escaped out of the possession of the servants 
of the crown. 

On the 27th of Sha'ban it reached the ear replete 
with all good, through Adam Khans representations, 
that the rebel Mirza Jan had no sooner heard of the 
arrival of the royal lists, then he evacuated the fort of 
Shkardu, and became a wanderer in the desert of adver- 
sity; whereupon the fort in question, together with th» 



territcKry of Tibet, tame anew into the possession of the 
servants of the crown. The gracious monarch rewarded 
the aforesaid Khan with an addition to his mansab, and 
conferred the country of I'ibet in jagir on the above- 
named Muhammad Murad, as his fixed abode. 

Towards the close of the spring, on account of the 
heavy rain and tremendous floods, all the verdant is 
lands in the middle of the Dal, as well as the gardens 
along its borders, and those in the suburbs of the city, 
were shorn of their grace and loveliness. The waters of 
the Dal rose to such a height, that they even poured into 
the garden below the balcony of public audience, which 
became one sheet of water from the rush of the foaming 
tide, and most ol its trees were swamped. Just about 
this time, too, a violent hurricane of wind arose, which 
tore up many trees, principally poplais and planes, by 
the roots, in all the gardens, and hurled down from on 
high all the blooming foliage of Kashmir. A longer so- 
journ in that region was consequently distasteful to the 
gracious mind; so, notwithstanding that the sky was 
lowering, he quitted Kashmir on the Ist of Ramazan, 
and set out for the capital by way of Shahabad. 




On the night of Monday, the '18th of Rabi'u-1 awwal, 
being the moment that had been fixed for the auspicioiis 
departure to Kabul, the royal train moved from the 
capital of Lahore in that direction. At the same chosen 
period, too. His Majesty despatched 'AUami with the 
multitudinous forces (resembling the waves of the sea), 
amounting together with the army serving in Kabul to 
50,000 cavalry and 10,000 infantry, including musketeers, 
gunners, bombardiers, and rocketmen, for the purpose 
of conquering the country and fortress of Kandahar, 
Bust and Zamindawar. He was further accompanied by 
ten large and ferocious war-elephants, eight heavy and 



twenty light guns; the latter of which carried two and 
two and a half sir (four and five lbs.) shot, and during 
an engagement used to be advanced in front of the 
army; twenty elephants carrying hathnals, and 100 
camels with shuturnals, besides a well-replenished 
treasury, and other suitable equipments. Hef' was ins 
tructed to repair by way of Kabul and Ghazni to Kanda- 
har, and about 3,000 camels were employed in the trans- 
port of artillery stores, such as lead, powder and iron 
shot. . . 

TWKNTY-SIXTH YEAR OF THF. REIGN,, 1062 A.H. (1651-2 A.O.) 

Arrival of Prince Muhammad Aurdngzeb Bahadur and 
Jamdatu-l Mulk Sa'Du-lla Klian at Kandahar, and 
siege of the fortress 

On the 3rd of Juinada-s sani, the hrsi month this year, 
the victorious Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur, 
who had set out from Multan for Kandahar, reached his 
destination, '.\llanii. who had hastened tliither by way 
of Kabul, having joined His Royal Highness on the 
above date, delivered the kind and indulgent farman. 
As it had been determined that the siege of the lorUess 
should be commenced simultaneously with the arrival 
at Kandahar, the fortunate Prince, having finished 
marking out the jxjsitions that the royal forces 
were to occupy, invested the stronghold that very 
day. . . . 

In short, for two months and eight days the flames 
^A war biuned fiercely, and on botli sides numerous 
casualties occurred. On one occasion, when Muhammad 
Beg Topchi-bashi (Commandant of the Artillery), and 
five or six others of the garrison, had been destroyed by 
a shot from the gun named Fath Lashkar, the Kazal- 
bashis sallied out of the fort and poured down upon the 
-trenches; whereupon a desperate struggle ensued 
betwe:en the adverse hosts. Another time they fell on 
Allami's^^trenches: but a party of his retainers firmly 



held their ground, and after putting a few of their anta 
gonists to the sword, and wounding some others, man- 
fully laid down their lives; and on the arrival 
of succour, the enemy retired precipitately within 
the fortifications. 

To be brief, the rovalists used the most strenuous 
exertions, and laboured with umemitting zeal and assi- 
duity in carrying forward the parallels and zigags of at- 
tack, and demolishing the crest of the parapet and the 
bastions. Nevertheless, as the fortress possessed immense 
strength, and was filled with all the military' weaponi 
and stores required for un effective defence, their utmost 
efforts produced no impression, and, owing to the storm 
of shot and .shell that poured on them like a shower of 
rain from the fort, they were unable to advance tlieir 
trenches beyond the spot they had already brought them 
to. In the interim, out of the seven guns which had 
accompanied the royal army, and were the most effec- 
tual implements of attack, two that were mounted in the 
Prince's trenches had cracked from constant firing, and 
had become quite uaserviceablc. As for the other five, 
which were in the trenches conducted by 'Allami and 
Kasim Khan Mir-i atish, although they continued to be 
discharged, yet as they were not served by scientific artil- 
lerymen, their fire was not so effective as could be 

As soon as these particulars became known to His 
Majesty's world-adoming understanding, and he was 
informed that the capture of the fortress was at that 
period impracticable; and it also reached the rqyal ear 
that the Uzbeks and Almans had come into' the neigh- 
bourhood of Ghazni. and excited tumults, as already 
described, a arman was issued to the illustrious Prince 
on the 4th A Sha'ban, to withdraw . his forces from 
around the tortress, and, deferring its capture till some 
other period, to take his siege train along with him and 
.set out for Court. ... 






As the Prince Buland Ikbal. after the return of the 
army from Kandahar, had guaranteed to conquer that 
territory, and with this view the provinces of Kabul and 
Multan had been bestowed upon him, His Royal High- 
ness, on reaching the capital, applied himself to the task 
of making the requisite arrangements for the campaign. 
In the course of three months and some days that he 
remained at Lahore, he used such profuse exertions, 
that what could not have been otherwise accomplished 
in a year was effected in this short period. Among the 
siege train was a gun called Kishwar-kusha (clime-con- 
quering), and another Garh-lfhanjan (fort-shattering), 
each of which carried an iron shot one man and eight 
sirs in weight (96 lbs.); and they were worked by the 
gunners under the direction of Kasim Khan. 

There was also another large piece of ordnance that 
carried a shot of a man and sixteen sirs (1 cwt.), and 
was plied under the management of His Royal High- 
ness's Mir-i atish, as well as 30,000 cannon-balls, small 
and great. He also got ready 5,000 mans of gun- 
powder, and 2,500 of lead, measuring by Imperial 
weight, and 14,000 rockets. Having likewise collected 
as many grain dealers as were procurable, he made 
arrangements for the army commissariat, and the safe 
arrival of supplies. He then despatched a letter to 
Court, representing that as the moment of starting was 
fixed for the 23id of Rabi'u-1 awwal, and the prelimin- 
ary arrangements for the carnpaign had been completed, 
if the royal forces appointed to this enterprise received 
their dismissal, he would set out for Kandahar. A 
mandate in the auspicious handwTiting was therefore 
issued, directing His Royal Highness to start off at the 
pFedelermincd moment by way of Multan, on which 



road provisions and forage were abudant. (Long details 
of the siege.) 



Reduction of the Fortress of BuU 

Among the stirring incidents that occurred during the 
siege of Kandahar was the subjugation of the fortress 
of Bust by the laudable exertions of the servants of the 
crown, a concise account of which is as follows. . . 


Ultimately the duration of the siege extended beyond 
hve months, the winter began to set in, all the lead, 
powder, and cannon-balls were expended, and neither 
was there any forage left in the meadows, nor provisions 
with the army. A farman likewise was issued to this 
effect, that as the winter was close at hand, and they had 
already been long detained in Kandahar, if the reduc- 
tion of the fortress could not be effected just at once. 
they might stay if necessary some short time longer; or 
otherwise return immediately. Rustam Khan, who had 
been recalled from Bust for the purpose of sharing in 
the assault, having . dismantled that fortress, distributed 
the provisions among his men, and reached Kandahar 
with his comrades, bringing all the artillery stores, and 
property in the Kar-khana, that was there, along with 
him. With an eye therefore to the safety of the property 
mentioned above, he deemed it expedient to return, and 
not one of the royalist commanders proposed staying 
any longer. The Prince Buland Ikbal consequently, on 
the 15ih Zi-1 ka'da this year, set out from Kandahar for 

(1653-4 A.D.) 

Appointment of 'Allami to the task of demolishing the 

Fort of Chitor, and Chastising the Rana 
On the 22nd Zi-1 ka'da, at a chosen moment, the 



loyal departure from the metroJx)lis of Shahjahanabad 
to the blessed city of Ajmir took place. On the same 
Uate, the Emperor despatched 'Allami, with a large 
number of nobles and mansabdars jmd 1,500 musketeers, 
amounting altogether to 30,000, for the purpose of 
hurrying on in that direction, and demolishing the fort 
of Chitor, which was one of the gifts {'ataya) that had 
been made by this Imperial dynasty. From the time of 
the late Emperor Jabangir, it had been settled that no 
one of the Rana's posterity should ever fortify it; but 
Rana Jagat Singh, the father of Raja Jai Singh, having 
set about repairing it, had pulled down every part that 
was damaged, and b^ilt it up very strongly anew. He 
also directed hiin, if perchance the Rana did not tender 
his obedience, to overrun his territory with the royal 
forces, and inflict suitable chastisement on him. The 
triumphant standards then moved on by the regular 
marches in the rear of the ever-victorious troops. On 
the 2nd of Zi-1 hijja, when the world-subdiiing banners 
were planted at Khalilpur, the Rana's confidential 
lakils waited on the Prince Buland Iqbal, and begged 
His Royal Highness to act as their intercessor. When, 
by his mediation, the penitence and humility expressed 
by the Rana was reported at the threshold of might and 
majesty, an order was issued that His Royal Highness 
jShould send his Mir-i buyulat to wait upon the Rana, 
and deliver the following message, viz., that if, with 
judicious forethought, he would despatch his eldest son, 
the Sahib-i-tika, to the presence, and a detachment of his 
people under the command of one of his relatives were 
stationed in the Dakhin, the same as formerly, to be 
employed in the royal service, he should be left in 
security, or otherwise he should be overhelraed in 

As the Rana had again in these days humbly for- 
warded an address to the Prince Buland Ikbal, request- 
ing him to send his diwan, in order that he might start 



ofiE his sons to Court in company with that indivudal. 
His Royal Highness obtained permission from the Impe- 
rial thereshold, and despatched Shaikh 'Abdul Karirn, 
his own diwan, to the Rana. . . . 

The exploits of the army that accompanied 'Allami 
were as follows. On his arriving within twelve kos of 
Chitor, which is the frontier of the Rana's territory, 
inasmuch as the latter's negotiations had not yet been 
satisfactorily terminated, he commenced plundering and 
devasting, and depasturing his cattle on the crops. 
On the 5th of Zi-1 hijja, chis year, having reached the 
environs of Chitor, he directed working parties with 
pickaxes and spades to overthrow that powerful strong- 
hold. Accordingly, in the course of fourteen or fifteen 
days, they laid its lowers and battlements in ruins, and 
having dug up and subverted both the old and the new 
walls, levelled the whole to the ground. The Rana 
having awoke from his sleep of heedlessness at the ad- 
vent of the prosperous banners at Ajmir, the irresistible 
force of the royal aims, the dispersion of the peasantry, 
and the ruin of his territory, sent ofiE a letter containing 
the humblest apologies to Court, along with his eldest son, 
who was in his sixth year, and a number of his principal 
retainers, in company with Shaikh 'Abdu-1 Karim, the 
Prince Buland Ikbal's Mir-i buyutal. A barman was then 
issued to Jamdatu-1 Mulk ('Allami), that since the fort 
had been demolished, and the Rana had sent off his son 
to Court, the pen of forgiveness had been drawn through 
the register of his delinquencies at the Prince Buland 
Ikbal's solicitation, and that he would set out himself 
with the whole of the victorious army to the royal presence. 


On the 8th of Rabi'us sani this year, being the expiration 
of the sixty-fifth lunar year of His Majesty's age, a 
festival was celebrated with exceeding splendour, and 
M'as attended with the usual ceremonies. In this 
sublime assembly the Emperor kindly conferred on the 



Prince Buland Ikbal a handsome khil'at with a gold- 
embroidered vest, studded with valuable diamonds 
round the collar; on both sleeves, and the sldrts, pearls 
had been sewn, and it was worth 50,000 rupees; also a 
sarband composed of a single ruby of the purest water, 
and two magnificent pearls, of the value of a lac and 
70,000 rupees, and a donation of thirty lacs besides. 
He also distinguished His Royal Highness by the lofty 
title of Shah Buland Ikbal, which had been applied 
exclusively to himself during his late Majesty's reign; 
and since in the days of Princehood a chair had bedn 
placed at that Emperor's suggestion opposite to the 
throne for him to sit on, he now in like manner direc- 
ted His Royal Highness to seat himself on a golden 
chair, that had been placed near the sublime throne. 


Campaign in Sirmor 

Among the incidents of the past year, the appointment 
and despatch of Khalilu-lla Khan during the return 
from Ajmir, with 8000 men, for the purpbse of cocer- 
cing the Zamindar of Srinagar, and capturjng ; the Dun, 
have been already detailed by the historic pen. The 
particulars of his advance and return are a.s' follows. 
When the Khan in question set out with the royal forces, 
the Zamindar of Sirmor, who had never felt disposed to 
ally himself with the servants of the crown, came under 
the guidance of good fortune and joined them. He was 
then rendered conspicous among his compeers by the 
promulgation of an edict from the threshold of empire 
and sovereignty, investing him with the title of Raja 
Sabhak Prakas. 

Sirmor is a mountainous tract to the north of the new 
metropolis, measuring thirty kos in length, and twenty-five 
in breadth, in which ice-houses had been established for 
His Majesty's private use; whence, form the beginning of 
the month Isfandiai (February) till the end of Mihr 



(September), an abundant supply of ice was constantly 
reaching the metropolis during the time that the royai 
standards were planted there. From these emporia por- 
ters used to carry loads of snow and ice on their backs as 
far as Dhamras, the name of a place situated on the bank 
of the river Jumna at a distance of sixteen kos, but the 
road to which is extremely difficult. There it was 
packed in boxes, and sent down the stream on rafts to 
Daryapui. one of the dependencies of pargana Khizra- 
bad, which is also sixteen kos oflF from Dhamras. 
From that point it was transported to the metropolis on 
board of boats in the course of three days and nights. 

Khalilu-Ua Khan, in company with the aforesaid 
Raja and some other zamindars of those parts, having 
reached the Dun, which is a strip of country lying outside 
of Srinagar, twenty kos long and five broad, one extremity 
of its length being bounded by the river Jumna, and the 
other by the Ganges, which jKjsscsses many- flourishing 
towns in various quarters, laid the foundation of a field- 
work close to Kilaghar, and completed it in the course of 
a week. He then deputed one of the mansabdars to keep 
guard there with 200 matchlockmen, and set out in ad- 
vance with the whole of his comrades. On reaciiing 
Bahadur Khanpur, which is a place belonging to the 
Dun. and lies between the rivers Jumna and Ganges, in 
consequence of the peasantry that dwelt in that neigh- 
bourhood having taken refuge in the hills and forests 
and defiles, and obstinately refusing to return, he des 
patched the ever-triumphant troops from every side to 
coerce them, who succeeded in inflicting suitable chas- 
tisement. A number of the rebels therefore fell by the 
sword of vengeance, and many more were taken, prisoners; 
after which the remainder tendered their allegiance, and 
innumerable herds of cattle fell into the hands of the 
solidiery. Here, likewise, he threw up a fortified post, 
and left a confidential person with some mansabdars, 

F. 8. 



and 500 infantry and matchlockmen, to garrison it, so 
that the passage of travellers to and fro might remain 
uninterrupted. Having then set out himself from 
thence, he approached the town of Basantpur, which is 
also a dependency of the Dun, and halted half-way up 
the hill. Opposite the above town, he constructed 
another redoubt, in which he posted one of the rnansab- 
dars with 250 infantry matchlockmen. From thence he 
moved to Sahijpur, a place abounding in streams and 
fountains, and clothed with flowers and verdure; where 
he erected a fort on the top of an embankment, measur- 
ing 1,000 yards in circumference, and fifteen in height, 
that had in former times been crowned by a stronghold, 
inasmuch as some traces of the ancient works were still 
visible; and he deputed a trusty individual to hold the 
post, backed by 250 musketeejrs. On reaching the banks of 
the Ganges, after crossing which one enters the hill-coun- 
try, he sent a detachment with the royal artillery to the 
other side of the stream, with a view to their taking 
possession of the thana of Chandi, which is one of the 
dependencies of Srinagar, but lies outside the Dun of 

Meanwhile, Bahadur Chand, Zaniindar of Kumayun 
(Kumaon). ,under the guidance of <i fortunate destiny, 
espoused flie royal cause, and came and joined the 
above-mentioned Khan. As soon as this fact was con- 
veyed to the Imperial ear, the repository of all good, 
through tlie representations of Khalilu-lla Khan, a con- 
ciliatory farman and a khil'al >ct u ith jewels were 
forwarded to hiiti. As the season for prosecuting mili- 
tary operations in that region and the fitting period for 
an invasion of the hill-country iiad passed away, ibe 
rains beint; now at hand, and 'he Dun having been 
taken possession of. a mandate was issued to Khalilu-lla 
Khan, to defer the campaign in the hills for the 
present: and after delivering np the Dun to Chatur 
Bhu), who had expressed an ardent desire for it, and 



contiding ihe thana of Chandi to Nagar Das, the chief 
of Hardwar, to set out for Court. The Khan accord- 
ingly, having set his mind at rest by fulfilling these 
instructions, started for the presence. 


Another incident was the flying for refuge of Mir 
Muhammad Sa'id Ardastani, surnamed Mir Jumla,' to 
the Court, the asylum of mankind, an account of which 
event is as follows. The above individual, in whose 
hands was the entire administration of Kutbu-1 Mulk's 
kingdom, had. after a severe struggle with the Karna- 
tikis, broughi under subjection, in addition to a power- 
ful fort, a tract of country measuring 150 kos in length, 
and twenty or thirty in breadth, and yielding a revenue 
of forty lacs of rupees. It also contained mines teem- 
ing with diamonds, and no one of Kutbu-1 Mulk's 
ancestors had ever been able to gain possession of any 
portion of it. Having destroyed several strong forts 
built by the Karnatikis, he had brought this country 
into his power; and in spite of long-standing usages, he 
had collected a considerable force, so that he had 5,000 
horse in his service. For these reasons, a faction who 
were at enmity with him caused Kutbu-1 Mulk to he 
displeased with him, and strove to effect his ruin. Hr 
had been active in perfoming such meritorious services, 
and after contending against the zamindars of the Kar 
natik, had subdued so fine a territory, but he did not 
gain the object he sought; but, on the contrary, reaped 
disappointment. So, using Prince Mahammad Aurang- 
zeb Bahadur as an intercessor, he sought refuge at the 
Court, the asylum of the world. After this circumstance 
had been disclosed to the world-adorning understand- 
ing through the representations of the illustrious Prince. 
n handsome hhiVnt was forwarded to him by the hand 
uf one of the courtiers in the middle of this month, 

^(■Iftenrnrds entitled Mu'azzam Khari.) 



together witii an indulgent jarman sanctioning the 
bestowal ol a inansab of 5000 on him, and one ot 2,000 
on his son, Mir Muhammad Amin; as well as a mandate 
accompanied by a superb dress of honour for Kutbu-I 
Mulk, regarding the not prohibiting him and his rela- 
tions from coming. 

accounl ol- i'rince muhammad auranczeh's march to 

Among the important events that took place towards 
the close of tliis year was the inarch of the ever-success- 
ful Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur to the terri- 
tory of Golkonda, for the sake of coercing Kutbu-1 
Mulk, his exaction of a superb tributary offering on 
behalf of His Majesty's private exchequer, and his 
uniting in marriage of the latter 's daughter with his 
own eldest son, Muhammad Sultan, an abridged nar- 
rative of which is as follows. When Mir Jumla sought 
to ally himself to the Imperial throne, Kutbu-1 Mulk, 
the instant he gained intelligence of the matter, im- 
prisoned Mir Jumla's son, Mir Muhammad Amin, 
together with his connexions, and having confiscated 
whatever he possessed, both in livestock and goods, 
forwarded Irim and his relatives to Golkonda. This 
circumstance having soon reached the ear of the fortun- 
ate Prince, through the intervention of news-writers. 
His Royal Highness despatched a quiet letter to Kutbu-1 
Mulk regarding the release of the prisoners, and the 
restoration of Mir Muhammad Amin's goods and chat- 
tels. Having likewise reported the state of the case to 
the Imperial presence, he solicited authority, that in 
case Kutbu-1 Mulk persisted in keeping Mir Jumla's 
son in confinement, he might be permitted to march 

^{Both Muhammad Waris and Muhammad Salih 
agree in placing these affairs of Golkonda in the thirti- 
eth year of the reign.) 



against him in person, and endeavour to liberate the 
captives; as supineness in restoring to arms would be 
a source ot additional lethargy to the opulent lords ot 
the Dakhin. On the receipt of his report, a farman wiis 
likewise forwarded with the utmost expedition to 
Kutbu-1 Mulk, by the hands of some mace-bearers, 
respecting the surrender of Mir Jumla's son along with 
his relatives, and the infliction of the consequences of 
disobedience. A mandate was also addressed to the 
victorious Prince, instructing him to set out for his des- 
tination with the triumphant troops; and the ever- 
obeyed commands were issued to the governor of Malwa, 
and the mansabdars serving in that province, to proceed 
and join His Royal Highness as quickly as possible. 

In short, as Kutbu-1 Mulk, under the influence of 
the fumes of arrogance, would not heed the contents 
of the letter, the Prince despatched his eldest son, 
Muhammad Sultan, thither on the 8th of Rabi'u-1 
awwal this year, along with a host of nobles and man- 
sabdars and his own followers. It was further deter- 
mined that the army that was returning from Deogarh 
should halt in that vicinity, and unite itself to the 
illustrious Sultan; and that he himself should set our 
afterwards in the course of another month. About 
this time, the mansabdars in whose charge, the khiVals 
and farmans had been despatched for Kutbu-1 Mulk and 
Mir Jumla from the brilliant presence, as has been 
related in its proper place, came and waited on that 
ward of the divine vigilance. Although it was the 
realm-subduing Prince's opinion that Kutbu-1 Mulk 
would release Mir Jumla's son from confinement pre- 
vious to the arrival of Muhammad Sultan, "the tender 
sapling in the garden ot prosperity and success^" at the 
frontier of the Golkonda territory, and that the cam- 
paign would not consequently be prolonged to any great 
extent, yet Kutbu-1 Mulk, from excessive negligence 
;)nd extreme pride, had not the good sense to adopt 



tJiis measure, and hold the farman in dread and tear. 
After the last communication the Prince gave orders/ 
directing Muhammad Sultan to enter his territory with 
the Imperial troops. On receiving the above farman 
with the alarming intelligence of Muhammad Sultan's 
approach at the head of the royal forces, Kutbu-1 Mulk 
awake from his deep sleep, of arrogance and conceit, 
and sent off Mir Jumla's son, along widi his mother 
and connexions. He also forwarded a letter to Court, 
intimating this fact, and avowing his fealty and subser- 
vience, in charge of the mace-bearers who had brought 
the farman. Mir Jumla's son having joined Muhammad 
Sultan twelve kos from Haidarabad, reposed in the 
cradle of peace and safety. Nevertheless as Kutbu-1 
Mulk, with grasping avarice, still retained the goods and 
pro{>erty belonging to Mir Jumla and his son, and 
would not deliver them up, the illustrious Sultan set out 
for the city of Haidarabad. Kutbu-1 Mulk, on learning 
this news, started off his children to Golkonda, which 
is situated at a distance of three kos from Haidarabad, 
and where owing to the impregnability of the position, 
he was in the habit of depositing his secret hoards of 
treasure; and he followed them shortly after himself. 
Whatever gems and jewelry, gold and silver articles, and 
cash he possessed, he likewise removed to the fort of 
Golkonda; and other property, such as various kinds of 
carpets, porcelain, etc., he made over to the chief of his 
confidential servants.- and deputed him to contend with 
the royal forces. 

Next morning, corresponding to the 5th of Rabi'u-s 
sani this year, when Muhammad Sultan, having arrived 
at the environs of Haidarabad, was just about to en- 
camp on the banks of the Husain Sajar lake, one of 
Kutbu-1 Mulk's confidential retainers came and waited 
on him with a casket full of jewels that his master had 

''(The text here is x/ague and of doubtful meaning.) 



forwarded by his hands. Meanwhile, Kutbu-1 Mulk'i 
farces made their appearance, and assumed a menacing 
attitude; but the ever-txiumphant troops, having engaged 
in the deadly strife from right and left, enveloped the 
enemy with speed and promptitude in the midst of a 
galling fire, and by the aid of His Majesty's daily-increasr 
ing good fortune, having gained the superiority, chased 
the routed fugitives up to the city walls. Many of the 
enemy were accordingly killed and wounded, and the 
survivors, from dread of the royalists' assaults, did not 
stay within the city walls, but fled into the fort. In 
short, as such an audacious act had been perpetrated by 
Kutbu-1 Mulk, and the bearer of the casket of jewels was 
indicated as the originator of this hc^stile movement, 
Muhammad Sultan gave ihe order for his execution. 


On the morrow, Muhammad Sultan took possession of 
the city of Haidarabad, and having encamped outside 
the walls, prohibited the soldiery from entering it, for 
fear of having Kutbu-1 Mulk's property plundered, and 
the effects of the inhabitants carried off. He also des- 
patched a confadential servant of his noble father to 
conciliate the residents of that city, so as to dissuade 
them from dispersing, and to endeavour to protect their 
wealth and property. This day Kutbu-1 Mulk sent 200 
more caskets full of gems and jewelled trinkets, two 
elephants with silver housings, and four horses with gold 
trappings, to the Sultan; and that fruitful plant of the 
gardens of prosperity and good fortune detained the 
bearer of these articles in his camp, as a hostage for the 
restoration of Mir Jumla's goods, which Kutbu-1 Mulk 
still persisted in withholding. Five or six days after 
wards, he sent eleven elephants, sixty horses, and other 
things belonging to Mir Jumla; and though, apparently 
having entered into amicable relations, he used to send 
numbers of people to Muhammad Sultan, and make 



protcssioiis ot loyal obedience, yet he continued streng- 
thening his fortifications, using tremendous exertions to 
complete the requisite preparations for standing a siege, 
and forwarded repeated letters to 'Adii Khan by the 
hands of trusty individuals soliciting aid. 


Ihc paiticulars regarding the ever-triumphant Prince's ( 
retinue are as follows. His Royal Highness having 
reached Golkonda from Aurangabad in eighteen days, 
pitched his camp on the 20th of the aforesaid Rabi'u-s 
sani a kos from the fort. He then went oft the road for 
the purpose of marking out the intrenchments, and 
reconnoitring the defences of the place, and having 
gained intelligence of Kutbu-1 Mulk's approach, com- 
manded Muhammad Sultan to take jxwt on the left- 
hand side with his force. At this juncture, five or six 
thousand cavalry and ten or twelve thousand infantry 
came opposite to the army, and killed the flame of war 
by discharging rockets and matchlocks, whilst the gar- 
rison likewise fired off numerous cannons and rockets, 
from the top of the ramparts. The lion-hearted Prince, 
however, with his habitual intrepidity, allowed no ap- 
prehensions to enter his mind, but urged on his riding 
elephant to the front; and the heroes of the arena of 
strife, having charged at full gallop in successive squad- 
rons, and sapped the foundations of their foolish op- 
ponents' stability by theii irresistible assaults, victory 
declared in favour of the servants of the crown. The 
ever-triumphant Prince, after returning to camp, crown- 
ed with glory and success, despatched the royalists to 
besiege the fort, and the prosecution of the attack against 
each front was committed to the vigilant superintend- 
ence of some trusty individual. 

In short, the friends of Government began construct- 
ing intrenchments, and carrying forward the approaches; 
and as Kutbu-1 Mulk. from weakness of intellect, had 



ibeen guiliy ot such highly improper behaviour, notwith- 
standing that he had again sent lour more caskets oi 
gems, three elephants with silver housings, and five 
horses with gold and silver trappings, in charge of an 
intimate friend, begging that he might be allowed to 
send his mother to wait uf)on His Royal Highness, for 
the purpose of asking pardon for his offences; the 
Prince, in token of his deep displeasure, would not listen 
to his request, nor grant his messenger an audience, but 
exhorted the besiegers to lavish still greater exertions 
in carrying on the attack with gallantry and vigour. 
After two or three days had elapsed in this manner, a 
vast force of the Kutbu-l Mulkis made their appearance 
on the northern side of fori, and were £\bout to pour 
down upon the intrenchmeni of Mirza Khan, who was 
engaged in the defence of that quarter; ^^■hen the latter. 
becoming aware of iheir hostile intention, made an ap- 
plication for reinforcements. The renowned and success- 
ful Prince immediately despatched some nobles with his 
own artillery to his support; and these reinforcements 
having arrived at full speed, took part at once in the 
affray. Under the magic influence of His Majesty's 
never-failing good fortiaie, the enemy took to flight; 
whereupon the ever-triumphant troops began putting 
the miscreants to the sword, and allowed hardly any of 
them to escape death or captivity. After chasing the 
vain wretches as far as the fort, they brought the prisoners, 
along with an elephant that had fallen into their hands, 
into His Royal Highness's presence. 

On this date a trusty person was deputed to go and 
fetch Mir Jumla; and as it reached the Prince's aus- 
picious ear that about six or seven thousand cavalry and 
nearly 20,000 infantry of Kutbu-l Mulk, consisting prin- 
cipally of matchlockmen, who had been repeatedly 
defeated and dispersed in the battles mentioned above, 
had collected together on the southern face of the fort, 
nnd were standing prepared for action, the illustrious 



Prince mounted and set out in person to exterminate the 
doomed wretches. As soon as he drew near, the mis- 
creants had the fool-hardiness to advance, and standing 
on the brink rf u ravine that ran between them, fanned 
the flame of sprite into a blaze by the discharge of 
matchlocks an-i rockets; whilst from the battlements of 
the fort also, cannons, guns, and rockets beyond number, 
played upon him incessantly. The devoted heroes, 
however, drawing the shield of divine Providence ovei- 
their heads, pushed rapidly across the ravine; and a 
detachment of their vang;uard, by the most spirited 
efforts, drove the villains two or three times to the foot 
of the ramparts, hurling many of them into the dust of 
destruction, and capturing a number more. Several of 
the servants of the Crown perished in this conflict, and 
others were adorned with the cosmetic of wounds; 
whilst a number of the Prince's retainers also were either 
killed or wounded. His Royal Highness, deeming an 
additional force necessary for this quarter, stationed one 
there, and having taken possession of the commanding 
points, and appointed a pairty of matchlockmen to guard 
them, returned at night from the field of battle to his 
own tents. 

Next day, at Muhammad Sultan's solicitation, he 
gave Kutbu-1 Mulk's son-in-law permission to pay his 
respects, who had come two days before with some 
petitions and a slight tributary offering, but had not 
gained admittance. Having refused the jewelry that 
the latter had brought for him, he deferred its accept- 
.ance till the conclusion of negotiations. About this time 
Shayista Khan joined the army with the nobles of 
Malwa, whereujKjn the Prince altered the previous posi- 
tion of the trenches, and directed that they should throw 
up four, opposite each front of the fortifications. In 
these very days, too, an Imperial edict arrived, intimat- 
ing the despatch of a handsome khil'at, and a jewelled 
(iasrger with phul-katar, for the illustrious Prince, and 



a present of a iine dress oi honour, and a mamab of 
7,000, witli 2,000 horse, for Muhammad Sultan, as well 
as a benevolent farman to Kutbu-1 Mulk's address, 
granting him a free pardon. By the untiring efforts of 
the servants of the Crown, however, affairs had come to 
such a pass, that Kutbu-1 Mulk was all but annihilated, 
and every day a number of his followers used to turn 
the countenance of hope towards this prosperous thres- 
hold, and attain the honour of paying their respects. 
Alarmed at the irresistible superiority of the loyal 
troops, moreover, he had sent two of his conhdential 
servants with a tributary offering, and tendered his 
allegiance, consenting to pay all the stipulated tribute, 
due for several years up to Isfandiar of the' 29th year of 
this reign, and begging that the amount of that for the 
present twelvemonth might be settled in addition to 
the former. The subject of his daughter's marriage 
with Muhammad Sultan had likewise been broached; 
and the illustrious Prince, consequently, deeming it 
inexpedient to forward him the warrant of pardon just 
now, kept it to himself. After a lapse of two or three 
days, Kutbu-1 Mulk despatched, agreeably to orders, ten 
elephants and some jewelry, as an instalment of the 
tribute in arrears, together with two more elephants 
and other articles belonging to Mir Jumla's son. For 
the noble Muhammad Sultan, too, he sent a letter con- 
gratulating him on his mansab, two elephants, one of 
which bore silver housings, and a horse with gold sad- 
dle and jewelled trappings. The Prince then directed 
that they should mount two heavy guns that had been 
brought from fort Usa, on the top of a mound situa!ted 
in Katalabi Khan's intrenchment, and point them 
against the fortress. 

As Kutbu-1 Mulk had repeatedly begged permission 
to send his mother for the purpose of asking pardon for 
his offences, and solicited a safe conduct, it was ordered 
that Muhammad Sultan and Shavista Khan should des- 



j>atdi Lhe customary passport. As soon as he received 
that warrant and security, he sent o£E his mother in the 
hope of gaining his other , objects. Accordingly, on the 
22nd of Jumada-1 awwal, several of 'liis Royal High- 
ness's intimate companions' wtnt out, at his suggestion, 
to meet her, and brought her from the road to Shayista 
Khan's camp. The latter, having treated her with the 
deepest respect and attention,- conducted her next day, 
agreeably to orders, into the illustrious presence; where 
she enjoyed an interview with Muhammad Sultan, and 
presented two horses. As Muhammad Sultan repre- 

sented that she was anxious to be admitted to a personal 
audience, in order to detail her propositions, the Prince 
summoned her into his presence. That chaste matron 
then presented a thousand gold mohurs as nisar to His 
Royal Highness as well as. 

That ward of divine providence affirmed in reply, 
that Kutub-I Mulk must pay down a kror of rupees in 
cash, jewelry, elephants, etc., and she having consented 
to obey thi^ mandate, returned to the fortress for the 
purpose of collecting the above .sum. 

As a vast number of Kutbu-1 Mulk's partisans, under 
the command of his kotwal, who had no intimation as 
yet of the armistice, had collected together about two kos 
from the fortress with hostile intentions, the Prince des- 
patched several nobles and mansabdars, with 200 mount- 
ed musketeers, and 500 cavalry out of Shayista Khan's 
retainers, amounting altogether to 6,000 horse, and a host 
of matchlockmen, to coerce them. The royal troops re- 
paired with the utmost celerity to the menaced point, 
and encamped that day close to the enemy's fK)sition. 
On the succeeding one, the miscreants sent off their 
heavy baggage and property to a distance, and having 
formed up in line themselves, stood prepared for action. 
Although the royalists several times drove them off and 
dispersed them, yet the shameless wretches kept constant- 
ly inllying and renewing their assaults, in which they 



suffered numerous casualties, until night supervened; 
when the ill-fated villains, being incapable of further 
resistance, took to a precipitate flight. A few out of the 
victorious army were also killed and wounded; and the 
ever-successful troops, after spending the night on the 
ground where the enemy's tents had stood, returned in 
triumph on the morrow. 


At this time, the news of Mir Jumla's arrival in the 
vicinity of Golkonda was made known; so, the Prince 
forward to him the farman and Khil'at that had come for 
him from Court, by the hands of the bearer of it. The latter 
having been apprised of the fact, came out to meet the 
messenger, from his camp, which was pitched four kos 
the other side of the Husain Sagar lake, and after 
observing the usual marks of respect, received the far- 
man and khil'at from him on the banks of the above 
named lake. As two days were wanting to the time fixed 
for his introduction to the victorious Prince, he returned 
for the present to his own camp. On the appointed day, 
the Prince sent out some nobles to letch him, and he 
having set out with great pomp and splendour, enjoyed 
at a chosen moment the honour of paying his respects, 
and presented 3.000 Ibraftimis as nisar. That descen- 
dant of nobles was recompensed from the munificent 
tlureshold by the receipt of a superb dress of honour, a 
jewelled larrah and dagger, two horses, one with a gold, 
the other with a silver saddle, and an elephant with silver 
housings, accompanied by a female one; and obtained 
permission to be seated in the presence. As jpeace had 
now been established on a firm basis, the fortunate and 
successful Prince evacuated the trenches encircling the 
fortress, on the last day of the aforesaid month, and sum- 
moned the party engaged in the siege to his presence. 




Oij the 22nd Jumada-s sani 'AUami Sa'du-Ua Khan, con- 
formably to the sacred text, "When your time of death 
has arrived, see that ye defer not a moment, nor pro- 
crastinate," returned the response of Labaika to the 
herald of God, and migrated from this transitory sphere 
to the realms of immortality. For nearly four months 
he had been labouring under a severe and painful attack 
of cholic; during the first two months of which period, 
when he was not confined to his bed, he used to attend 
daily in the auspicious presence, and uttered no exclam- 
ation of pain. In fact, he was then trying to dispel the 
disease by attending to Takarrub Khan's medical treat- 
ment; but after he became confined to his house from 
the acute agony he was suffering, the matter was disclos- 
ed to the royal ear; whereupon the skilful physicians in 
attendance at the foot of the sublime throne were com- 
manded to effect his cure. As his appointed time of 
death, however, had come, all their remedies produced 
j]o effect, and the disease gradually gaining ground, put 
an end to his sufferings. The monarch, the appreciator 
of worth, expressed intense regret at the demise of that 
deserving object of kindness and consideration, and 
showered favours on his children and all his connexions. 


The sequel to the narrative of Golkonda affairs is as 
follows. As the moment for the celebration of Muham- 
mad Sultan's nuptials had been fixed tor the morning 
of the 18th of Jumada-s sani in this happy-omened year. 
Prince Muhammad Aurangzeb Bahadur sent his diwan, 
Muhammad Tahir, one day previously to Kutbu-1 Mulk, 
together with the ecclesiastics, and forwarded a khil'at. 
. Next day, the marriage service was read in a fortunate 
moment, and the hymeneal rites were duly observed. 



After a week's interval, the illustrious Prince again des- 
patched his own diwan and the royal bakhshi into the 
fortress, with a view to fetching that chaste and fortu- 
nate damsel; and commanded several nobles to wait out- 
side the fortifications, and accompany her from thence. 
These obedient vassals accordingly acted in conformity 
with his injunctions, and conducted her along with 
Kutbu-1 Mulk's mother, who had accompanied her, to a 
pavilion that had been erected near His Royal High- 
ness's. Kutbu-1 Mulk sent about ten lacs of rupees in 
gems and other articles by way of dowry. Next day the 
Prince forwarded the farntan and a superb khil'at the 
delivery of which he had deferred, as has been alluded 
to in its proper place, to Kutbu-1 ^ulk, who went out 
to meet them, and received them with the deepest re- 

(Return of Prince Muhammad 'Aurangzeb from 
Golkonda, investiture of Mir Jumla with the title of 
Mu'azzam Khan, and bestoival of that of Khan-jahan on 
Shayista Khan.) 




Among the events of this year was the appointment of 
the victorious Prince Aurangzeb Bahadur' to itonduct 
the campaign of Bijapur, and the dismissal of Mu'azzam 
Khan aid the other nobles and mansabdars from the 
sublime presence to share in the above campaign; a con- 
cise version of which is as follows. As it had been re- 
ported at the threshold of royalty, through the represent- 
ations of the above-named Prince, that 'Adil Khan had 
bid adieu to existence by a natural death, and his ser- 
vants had constituted Majhul Illahi his successor, who 
professed to be his offspring, it was ordered, on the 18th 
of Safar, that His Royal Highness should hasten thither 
with the Dakhin forces, and bring the campaign to a 



conclusion, in such a way as he shoiild deem expedient. 
An ever-obeyed mandate was also issued to Khan-Jahan, 
to repair expeditiously to Daulatabad, and remain in 
that city until the ever-successful Prince's return. 
Jamdatu-1 Mulk Mu'azzam Khan, Shah Nawaz Khan 
Safvi, Mahabat Khan, Nijabat Khan, Raja Rai Singh, 
and a number ot more nobles and mansabdars, whose 
total strength amounted to 20,000 horse, were appointed to 
serve under that ward of divine providence; some being, 
despatched from the auspicious presence, and others 
from their respective homes and jagirs, along with a 
great many musketeers both horse and foot, and rocket- 
men. Among those who received their dismissal from 
the presence, Jamdatu-1 Mulk was presented with a hand- 
some khil'at, etc. . . 

As Mu'azzam Khan had reported that he had sent 
several led horses, adorned with diamonds, rubies, and 
precious stones, and some other articles, that he had 
taken from the Zamindar of the Karnatik, to 'Adil 
Khan, the Shah Buland Ikbal despatched by the hands of 
two confidential slaves a mandate, agreeably to orders, 
to the latter, respecting the forwarding of the aforesaid 
articles. As 'Adil Khan, however, departed this life 
very shortly after the receipt of the mandate, his ser- 
vants forwarded to Court four out of the whole number 
of led horses, together with an epistle from his successor, 
in charge of the above-mentioned slaves. They were 
accordingly presented on the 1st of Rabi'u-s sani this 
year, and their value was almost a lac of rupees. 




This work is also called Shah Jahan-nama. It is the 
completion of the Badshah-nama of 'Abdu-1 Hamid by, 
his pupil and assistant Muhammad Waris, who was ap- 
pointed to carry on the work when his friend and master 
had become incapacitated by age. It embraces the last 
ten years of Shah Jahan's reign, from the beginning of 
the twenty-first to the thirtieth year, in which his actual 
reign closed. The work was submitted for revision to 
'Alau-1 Mulk Tuni, entitled Fazil Khan, who became 
wazir in Aurangzeb's days and the part of the work 
subsequent to the death of 'Allami Sa'du-Ua Khan was 
written by Fazil Khan, under the command pf the Em- 
peror himself. Little is known of Muhammad Waris, 
but the author of the Ma-asir-i 'Alamgiri records that 
"On the 10th Rabi'u-1 awwal, 1091 (1680 A.D.)., Waris 
Khan, news reader, the graceful author of the third 
volume of the Badshah-nama, was killed by a blow of a 
pen-knife from a mad student, whom he had taken under 
his protection, and who used to sleep at night near his 

The work is composed in a style similar to that of 
'Abdu-1 Hamid, and is of considerable length. It closes 
with a list of the shaikhs, learned men and poets who 
flourished during its decade. 

The history of this period of Shah Jahan's reign, has 
been so fully supplied by the Extracts from the Shah 
Jahan-nama of 'Inayat Khan, that only one short Ex- 
tract has been taken <Tom this work. 

Sir H. M. Elliot's MS. is a poor one. It is an 8vo., 
twelve inches by six and a half, and contains .?57 leaves, 
of nineteen lines to the page. There is a copy in the 

F. 9. 



British Museum, and one in the Library of the Royal 
Asiatic Society. 


Twenty-Second Year of the Reign 
When the Emperor set off from Shahjahanabad to 
chastise the Persians, it was his intention to march on 
and make no stay until he reached Kabul; . .But after- 
wards it appeared clear to his far-reaching judgment, 
that it was very improbable that the Shah of Persia would 
enter upon a campaign in the winter season, when grain 
and forage are very difi&cult to procure in that country 
(of Kandahar). The Emperor's counsellors also repre- 
sented that the Shah of Persia had resolved upon this 
evU enterprise in that infatuation which -arises from 
youth and inexperience. During the winter he would be 
busy making preparations in Khurasan, and in the spring 
he would commence ojperations. In this way the late 
Shah 'Abbas came up against Kandahar in the reign of 
the Emperor Jahangir. The severe cold and the heavy 
snow and rain, together with scarcity of provender for 
the horses, would be sources of great suffering to the 
Imperial array; so under all circumstances it was desir- 
able to postpone the march until the Nau-roz. . . So it 
was resohed to wait the arrival of news from Kandahar. 
On the 12th Muharram a despatch arrived from the com- 
mandant of the fortress, to the effect that on the 10th 
Zil-hijja the Shah of Persia had invested the fortress, his 
evident object being to accomplish this, the first enter- 
prise of his reign, before the spring, when the roads 
would be open for the advance of the Imperial army. 




(This, like the other histories of the reign of Shah 
Jahan, is sometimes, called Sfiah Jahan-nama. It is a 
history of jhe reign of that Emperor from his birth to 
his death in 1076 A.H. (1665 A.D.). 

Muhammad Salih was a fine scribe, so there can be 
httle doubt that he is the Muhanmiad Salih tie himself 
mentions in his list of the noted caligraphists of his 
time. Mir Muhammad Salih and Mir IVIuhani.mad 
Muinan were, he says, sons of Mir 'Abdu-lla, Mushkin 
kalam, whose title shows him to have also been a fine 
writer. Muhammad Salih was known as a poet by the 
Persian title Kashfi. and the Hindi Subhan. Both bro- 
thers were not only fine writers, but accomplished Hindi 
singers. In the list of mamnbdars, Muhammad Salih is 
put down as commander of five hundred. 

The ' Amal-i Salih is a valuable history, and has a 
good reputation in the East. It is not so long as the 
Badshah-nama of 'Abdul Hamid and Muhammad 
Waris, and it does not enter into the same petty details. 
The latter part of it, devoted to the life of Shah.Jhan 
after his deposition, is veiy brief, and notices only the 
tragic deaths of his sons and his own peaceful decease. 
The style is polished, and often highly wrought and 
rhetorical. At the end of the work the author has added 
biographical notices of the saiyids, shaikhs, learned men, 
physicians, poets, and fine writers who were contempor- 
ary with Shah Jahah. Also a list of princes, nobles, and 
commanders, arranged according to their respective 
ranks. A borrowed MS., belonging to a native gentle- 
man, is a folio 13 in y 9, containing about 1,000 to 
1,200 pages). 


muhammad salih kambu 

Thirty-First Year of the Reign 

Death of 'AH Mardan Khan 

Amiiu-l Umara 'Ali Mardan Khari, being ill with dy- 
sentery, started for Kashmir, the air of which country 
suited his constitution, but he died on his way on the 
1 2th Rajab. . . . His sons, Ibrahim Khan and the othere, 
brought his corpse to Lahore, and buried it in the tomb 
of his mother. He was a noble of the highest dignity; 
he held a mamab of 7,000 with 7,000 horse, 5,000 do- 
uspas and sih-aspai. He had an in' am of one kror of 
dams. Altogether his emoluments amounted to thirty 
lacs of rupees. His death caused the Emperor great 

Mu'azzam Khan Joins Aurangzeb. Capture cf several 
fortresses belonging to Bijapur. Defeat of 'Adil 
Khan's army 
Mu'azzam Khan departed from Court, and march 
cd with the army under his command to Prince Aurang- 
zeb. whom he joined on the 12th Rabi'u-s sani. On the 
.same day ihe Prince, making no delay, marched on his 
enterprise with all the Imperial forces and his own fol- 
lowers 111 the course of fourteen days he reached 
Chandor. There he left Wali Mahaldar Khan with a 
force of matchlockmen, etc., to keep open the communic- 
ations and provide supplies. Next day he encamped 
iindci ilic fort of Bidar. This fortress was held by Sidi 
Marjan, an old servant of Ibrahim 'Adil Khan. He had 
been commander of the fortress for thirty years, and had 
kept it fully armed and ready. He had under him near- 
ly 1,000 horse and 4,000 infantry, consistit^ of muskete- 
ers, rocketmen and gunners. The bastions and walls 
and works were carefully looked after, and he made every 
preparation for sustaining a siege. As soon as Prince 
Aurangzeb reached the place, he resolved to reduced it. 
This strong fortress was 4,500 yards (dara in circucumfer- 



ence, and twelve yards high; and it had three deep ditches 
twenty.five yards (gaz) wide, and fifteen yards deep cut 
in the stone. The Prince went out with Mu'azzam 
Khan and reconnoitred the fort on all sides. He set- 
tled the places for the lines of approach, and named the 
forces which were to maintain them. Notwithstanding 
the heavy fire kept up from the bastions and the citadel, 
in the course of ten days Mu'azzam Khan and the other 
brave commanders pushed their guns up to the very 
edge of the ditch and began to fill it up. Several times 
the garrison sallied forth and made fierce attacks upon 
the trenches, but each time they were driven back with 
a great loss in killed and wounded. The besiegers by 
the fire of their guns destroyed two bastions and batter- 
ed down the battlements of the wall. 

'' I the 23rd Jumada-s sani, in the thirty-first year 
oj the reign, Muhammad Murad, with a body of muske- 
teers and other forces, sallied from his trenches to make 
the assault. As soon as he reached the bastion opposite 
the trench of Mu'azzam Khan, he planted scaling lad- 
ders in several places, and ascended the wall. Marjan, 
the commandant, had dug a great hole in the rear of 
this bastion, and had filled it with gunpowder, rockets 
and grenades (Iiukka). With his eight sons and all his 
personal followers he stood near this bastion, and with 
the greatest courage and detei-mi nation endeavoured to 
resist the assault. Just then, through the good fortune 
which at all times attends the royal arms, ..... a roc- 
ket directed against the besiegers fell into the above- 
mentioned hole, and ignited the gunpowder A tre- 
mendous explosion followed, which destroyed many of 
the enemy. Sidi Marjan and two of his sons were seve- 
rely burnt. Those who escaped the explosion bore him 
and his sons back into the citadel. "The brave assail- 
ants took advantage of this accident, and pouring into 
the fortress on all sides, they killed or bore down all 
who resisted, and raised the flag of victory. . . . The 



commandant of ihe tortre&s, with great humility, t>ued 
lor quarter, and as he was mortally wounded and unable 
to move, he sent his sons with the keys of the fortress. 
They were graciously received by the Prince, who pre- 
sented them with khil'ats, and promised them the Im- 
perial favour. On the day after the giving up the keys, 
the Prince entered the city, and proceeding to a mosque 
which had been built two hundred years before, in the 
leign of the Bahmani Sultans, he caused the khutba to 
be read in the name of the Emperor. . . This strong 
fortress was thus taken in twenty-seven days. Twelve 
lacs of rupees in money, and eight lacs of rupees in lead, 
gunpowder, stores, and othei munitions of a fortress, 
were obtained, besides two hundred and thirty guns. 

Bidar is a pleasant, well-built city, and stands on the 
borders of Telingana. It is related in the histories of 
Hindustan, that Bidar was the seat of government of the 
Rais of the Dakhin. and that the Rais of the Karnatik, 
Mahratta (country), and Telingana were subject to the 
Rai of Bidar. Daman, the beloved of King Nala of 
Malwa, whose story Shaikh Faizi has told in the poem 
entitled Nal o Daman, was daughter of Bhim Sen, the 
marzban of Bidar. Sultan Muhammad, son of Sultan 
Tughlik, first subdued the place. After that, it passed 
into the hands of the Bahamanis, and subsequently into 
the possession of the Kings of Bijapur. By the 
favour of God, it now forms part of the Imperial domi- 

Intelligence reached the Prince that large bodies of 
the forces of 'Adil Khan were collecting at Kulbarga, 
and preparing for war. He consequently sent Mahabat 
Khan with fifteen thousand well-mounted veteran 
cavalry to chastise these forces, and not to leave one 
trace of cultivation in that country. Every building and 
habitation was to be thrown down, and the land was to 
be made a dwelling for the owls and kites. The Khan 
had not got far from Bidar, when, in the middle of the 


'amal-i sAlih 

next day, two thousand of the enemy's horse, at about 
three kos from the Imperial army, seized a nimiber of 
bullocks, belonging to the Banjaras, while they were 
grazing, and were driving them o£F to their quarteifs. 
Mu'azzam Khan and . . . led a detachment of the Impe- 
rial forces after them, to inflict chastisement upon them, 
and release the cattle. Pressing forward with all speed, 
they overtook the enemy, killed a great many of them, 
and rescued all the cattle. Such of the enemy as escaped 
made off with great difficulty, and the royal forces return- 
ed. The wretched Afzal, who had advanced very boldlyi 
when he heard of this disaster, was paralyzed, and fled 
in consternation from Kalyani, without even waiting for 
the fugitives to come in, and fell back upon his other 
forces. Mahabat Khan then raveged Kalyani, and con- 
tinued his march. Every day the black-coated masses of 
the enemy app)eared in the distance, but they continued 
to retreat. . . . 

On the 8th Rajab, Jan Muhammad and Afzal and 
Rustam, the son of Randaula, and others of the enemy, 
with about 20,000 horse, made their appearance near the 
royal army, and were very bold and insolent. . . . Maha- 
bat Khan left his camp in charge of Subhan Singh, and 
marched out against them. The enemy began to 
discharge rockets upon the right wing under the 
command of Diler Khan, and a battle followed. . . . 
Mahabad Khan was a good soldier; and when 
reports were brought to him from all parts of the field, 
he saw that Ikhlas Khan and Diler Khan were hard pre- 
ssed. . . So he charged the enemy with such impetuosity 
that they were filled with dismay and fled. The victors 
followed in close pursuit, and many of the fugitives fell 
by their swords. 

Aurangzeb, having left Mu'azzam Khan and Ikbal 
Khan in charge of Bidar, on the 23rd Rajab marched 
against Kalyani. On the 29th he reached that place, and 
on the same day he reconnoitred the fortress and in- 
vested it. . . . On the 8th Sha'ban the approaches were 



advanced to the edge oi ihe diich, and ihe besieged were 
hard pressed. {Several actions with and victories over the 
enemy. The country ravaged. Kulbarga occupied.) 
When ihe ditch was filled with stones^nd earth, and the 
bastions and ramparts had been well battered, on the 
27th the assailants placed their ladders and mounted a 
bastion which had been much damaged, and began to 
undermine and throw down the wall. The besieged 
made a gallant resistance, and kept up a heavy discharge 
of rockets, arrows, and muskets. Grenades, naphtha- 
balls, and trusses of burning straw were thrown from the 
top of the walls. But the assailants pressed bravely on, 
and victory was not far off. At this juncture Dilawar 
Habshi, who with 2,500 men held the place for 'Adil 
Khan, felt himself in great danger of destruction, and 
on the 29th wrote a letter be^ng for forgiveness and 
offering to surrender. Most of the garrison were Musul- 
mans, so the commandant and all his men were allowed 
to march out with their property and their wives and 
families. On the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 1068, the keys of the 
fortress were given up, and the Prince entered and had 
the khutba read. The commandant sought and obtain- 
ed permission to go to Bijapur). 


(Suddenly, on the 1st Zi-1 ka'da, 1067 A.H., the Emperor 
was attacked with serious illness in the form of stran- 
gury, constipation and other sympathetic affections, so 
that he was unable to attend to worldly affairs. Physi- 
oans tried all the remedies of their art, but in vain, for 
the disorder increased. ... In Safar, 1068, the health of 
the Emperor had so improved that he was convales- 
cent,. . . and great rejoicings followed). 


In the eves of his father the Emperor, Prince Dara 
Shukoh was superior to his brothers both in merit and 
age. When his other sons departed to their respective 



governments, the Emperor, from excessive love and parti- 
ality, would not allow Dara Shukoh to go away from 
him. He also evinced the, greatest partiality and affec- 
tion for the Prince, previding for his honour and dig- 
nity. . . . 

Shah Buland Ikbal (Dara Shukoh) took upon him- 
self to interfere in the direction of affairs of State, and 
induced His Majesty to do many unwise things which 
tended to create disturbances. He urged that Murad 
Bakhsh had diverged from the path of rectitude, and 
had not ceased to act improperly. It was therefore ad- 
visable to remove him from the suba of Ahmadabad, 
and to settle upon him the jagir of Birar. If he obeyed 
the Emperor's order and proceeded to Birar, his offences 
might be forgiven and clemency be extended to him. 
But if, from want of foresight and intelligence, he should 
prove refractory and disobey the orders, he should be 
suitably chastised and be brought to Court under res- 
traint. Dara Shukoh then spoke of Prince Aurangzeb. 
and represented that a party of intriguers had artfully 
led him astray, and nolens volens had persuaded him 
that he had been worsted by the malice and revenge of 
his brother (Dara Shukoh), and that he should get the 
assistance of his brother (Murad Bakhsh), who had re- 
solved upon rebellion.* He should then march with the 
splendid army under his command to the capi- 
tal, under the pretence of paying a visit to his father, 
and wherever he passed he should subvert the authority 
of the Government. To carry out his aims Aurangzeb 
had set himself to win over to his side great nobles 
of the State, some of whom he had made his own, and 
that he was endeavouring to effect his object by secret 
communications before his designs should become pub- 
lic. The money which he had received as tribute from 

• Here the MSS. differ, and the weaning is not cer- 



Kutbu-1 Mulk he had spent without permission in the 
raising of forces, and it would not be long before he- 
would cast off his obedience and commence a war. It 
was to be hoped that the army which had been sent by 
the Emperor for the reduction of Bijapur, and was now 
with Aurangzeb, might not be won over by the money 
which he had received as tribute; for assuredly, if this 
were so, it would be a great danger to the State, which 
it would be almost impossible to avert. The first thing 
to be done was to send farmans recalling all the nobles 
and their forces from the Dakhin. Then a strenuous 
effort should be made to get possession of the treasure. 
By these means the strength and greatness of the Prince 
would be diminished, and the friends and allies, the 
strength of his cause, would fall away. . . . 

Although the Emperor showed no haste in adopting 
these views, he was quite willing to send the letters. He 
could not resist the influence Prince Dara had obtained 
over him. So letters of the unpleasant purport above 
described were sent off by the hands of some of the Im- 
perial messengers. The messengers reached Prince Aur- 
angzeb as he was engaged in directing the operations 
against Bijapur, and he had the place closely invested. 
The arrival of the messengers disturbed the minds of 
the soldiers, and greatly incensed the Prince; so, much 
confusion arose. Some of the nobles, Mahabat )Chan, 
Rao Sattar Sal, and others, went off to Agra without 
leave or notice. Mu'azzam Khan also, who was the 
head and director of this campaign, acted in a very un- 
generous and foolish way, and wanted to go off to Agra, 
quite regardless of the duty and respect he owed to the 

This want of support from his followers, and the 
anxiety he felt about the Emperor, led the Prince to 
accept the proposals of the people of Bijapur. Having 
settled this difficult matter, he marched towards Auran 
gabad; and as soon as he arrived there, he sent messen- 



gers in a courteous way^ to Mu'azzam Khan, desiring 
him to come and have an interview. The Khan would 
not listen to the. invitation, and acted in a manner un- 
worthy of a great noble. So the Prince ordered Prince 
Sultan Muhammad to set forth with all speed and use 
every expedient to bring the Khan to his presence. 
When the directions were carried out, and the Khan 
arrived, Aurangzeb immediately provided for his punish- 
ment, and sent him prisoner to the fort of Daulatabad. 
He seized all his treasure, elephants and other property, 
and gave them into the charge of the State treasurers.) 


(After the defeat ol Shah Shuja', and the return of 
Aurangzeb to Agra, the Emperor sent a force . . to inflici 
salutary punishment upon Raja Jaswant. The Raja 
feeling himself unable to resist, in his great perplexity 
and alarm, sent some of his servants to Dara Shukoh. 
who, previous to the Raja's flight, had arrived at 
Ahmadabad, and, without waiting to recover from his 
toilsome journey through the sandy desert, was busily 
occupied in gathering forces. . . . Dara Shukoh, having 
satisfied himself by taking from the promise-breaking 
Raja a covenant which the Raja confirmed with the 
most solemn Hindu pledges, marched towards his coun- 
try. The Emperor was meanwhile , moving towards Raja 
Jaswant^ territory, and he wTote the Raja a letter, in 
which expostulations and threats were mingled with 
kindness. This letter greatly alarmed the Raja, so that 
he departed from Dara and returned to his own country. 
Making use of Mirza Raja Jai Singh, he wrote a penit- 
ent and submissive letter to the Emperor, begging for- 
giveness for his offences: and the Emperor in his cle- 
mency forgave him. granted him the suhada'ri of 

^"Az rah i madara," which many mean either "bv 
way of courtesy" or "hy way of disx/mulation."). 



Ahmadabad. and sent him a farman, bestowing honours 
and promising favours.) 


(The zumindar of Srinagar, having consented to surren- 
der Prince Sulaiman Shukoh, sent him to Court in the 
custody of his son. Two days after his arrival, the Prince 
was brought into the Emperor's presence, who directed 
that on the morrow he, along with Prince Sultan 
Muhammad, should be sent to the fort of Gwalior, and 
that both should be fed with koknar}". . . .The sons of 
'Ali Naki, who had a charge against Murad Bakhsh for 
ihe murder of their father, were sent to Gwalior, with 
directions, that after a lawful judgment had been given, 
the retaliation for blood should be exacted from the 
Prince. When they arrived at Gwalior, an inquiry was 
made by the Kazi. The Prince was resigned to his fate, 
and said, "If the Emperor will accept my pledges and 
spare my life, no harm will hapen to his throne; but if 
lie is resolved to take my life, there is no good in listen- 
ing to such low fellows as these. He has the power, and 
can do what he likes." On the 21st Rabi'u-s sani, 1072, 
under the orders of the Kazi, two slaves killed the Prince 
with two blows of their swords. He was buried in the 
fort Of Gwalior. In the month of Shawwal Prince 
Sulaiman Shukoh died from the treatment of his jailor^, 
in the thirtieth year of his age, and was buried beside 
Murad Bakhsh.) 


[Besides the Shah-Jahan-uanies noticed at length, there 
are among the MSS. borrowed by Sir H. M. Elliot, 
several others bearing the same title. 1. "An abstract 
of the lengthy Shah-Jnhan-nama" (the Badshah-nama) of 

^"Otheru'ise railed "piista," a sloxv poison prepared 
from poppies. 



'Abdu-1 Hamid Lahori. This was written in 1225 A.H. 
(A.D. 1810), by Muhammad Zahid. 2. A fragment of 
another and lengthy Sbah-Jahan-nama, by Mirza Jalalu-d 
din Tabataba. 3. A short work by Bhagwan Das, 
which gives brief notices of the ancestors of Shah Jahan, 
beginning with Adam. 4. A poem by Mirza Muham- 
mad Jan Maslihadi. This is called Shah-Jahan-nania, 
but the title given to it by the author would rather 
appear to be Zafar-nama. 5. Another Shah-Jahan- 
naraa in verse, by Mir Mahammad Yahya Kashi.) 




(The author ol' this history of Shah Jahaii was Muhani. 
mad Sadik, who was Waki' -navis in attendance upon 
Prince Shah Jahan in his campaign against the Rana 
during the life of Jahangir. He afterwards received the 
litle of Sadik Khan. The work embraces th,e reign of 
Shah Jahan "from his accession to the throne unto the 
termination of the confinement into which he fell 
through the stupidity of Dara Shukoh.'' A copy of the 
work in the British Museum ends with the deposition 
of Shah Jahan, but the author adds that the deposed 
jnonarch lived eight years in captivity. Sir H. Elliot's 
MS. goes on without any break to the end of the reign 
of Aurangzeb; but to have written all this, Sadik Khan 
must have lived over a century. The history of the 
reign of Aurangzeb 'turns out to be the same as that the 
Muntakhabu-l Lubuh of Khafi Khan, with some slight 
variations, not greater perhaps than Col. Lees found in 
various MSS. of that work.^* 

The history is of-moderate extent, and is written in 
a simple style. Similarity or indentity in many passages 
shows that Khafi Khan used the work for his history of 
the rcigu of Shah Jahan. There is also among Sir H. 
M. FJliot's MSS. one called Tabakat-i Shah-Jahani, 
written hy ihe same author. This consists of notices of 
the great and distinguished men of the reign of Shah 
Jahan. The names are numerous, but the notices are 

^^Journal Royal Asiatic Society, N. S. vol. Hi. p. 473. 




The Majalisu-s Salaiin, or "'Assemblies of the Sultans" 
was written by Muhammad Sharif Hanafi. The reason 
he assigns for wilting it is, that no one had couragt 
cnou^ in his time to wade through long histories, espe- 
cially mentioning those of Zia Barni, Kazi 'Ajai Bad- 
shahi, and 'Abdul Kadir, which are each works of consi- 
derable size, and he therefore determined, notwithstand- 
ing his constant avocations, to write an abridged history 
of India. In the midst of a hundred interruptions, he 
set himself to the work, but. short as it is, he w£(s nearly 
failing in his resolution to complete it, and "a wind 
arose occasionally which- was nearly making his pen fl\ 
away like an arrow from a boK, and converting, his {wpv^v 
into a flying kite." At last he usked his spiritual teach- 
ers for their aid and countenance, and through their 
encouragement he brought it to a completion. 

The same irresolution and want of leisure seem to 
have deprived us of the account of his travels, which, as 
will be seen from one of the following extracts, extended 
to a distance quite unusual in his days. He had travel- 
led from Madura in Southern India to Kashmir, and had 
dwelt for some time in the intermediate countries; and 
he tells us that if he had recorded all the wonderful 
thingfs he had seen, he might have fdled a thousand 
volumes. He was employed in some public capacity 
during the whole time that he was making these tours, 
for he signifies that he was a person of no mean consi- 

The work was composed in the early part of Shah 
Jahan's reign, in the year 1038 A.H. (1628 A.D.), 
according to a chronogram at the close of the work in 
which the date is recorded. 



The Majalisu-s Salatm is not divided into chapters^ 
but the following abstract will show the pages where the 
principal dynasties and reigns conunence and end. 


Preface, pp. 1 to 3. 

The Ghaznivides, pp. 4 to 11. 

I'he Ghorians and subsequent Dehli dynasties, pp. U 

to 121. 
Babar, pp. 121 to 123. 

Humayun, Sher Khan, etc., pp. 124 to 193. 
Akbar, pp. 193 to 200. 
Jahangir, pp. 200 to 206. 

Kingdoms of the Dakhin, Kashmir, etc., pp. 207 to 258. 
Size — 12 mo. containing 258 pages, each of 9 lines. 

The copy from which the following Extracts are 
taken is in one of the Royal Libraries at Lucknow. 1 
know of no other. 

(The Extracts were translated by a munshi and cor- 
rected by Sir H. M. Elliot). 


Anecdotes of Muhammad Tughlik 

After some time, intelligence was brought that Malik 
Bahram Abiya, the adopted brother of Sultan Tughlik 
Shah, had revolted in Multan, and put 'AH Akhti to 
death, whom Sultan Muhammad 'Adil had sent with 
orders to summon the rebel. The Sultan, with a view 
to subdue the rebellion, marched from Daulatabad to- 
wards Dehli, and thence reached Multan by successive 
marches. Malik Bahram came out to oppose him, but 
was defeated and slain. His head was brought to the 
Sultan, who was about to order a general massacre of the 
inhabitants of Multan, and make streams of blood flow, 
when the staff of the world, the most religious Shaikhu-1 
Hakk, came bare-headed to the King's court, and stood 
before him soliciting pardon for the people. The Sultan 



forgave them for the sake of that holy man. In short, 
this King called himself just, and generally before execu- 
ting persons he certainly did refer the case for the decree 
of the expounders of the law. 

It is said of him, that one day, having put on his 
shoes, he went on foot to the court of Kazi Kamalu-d 
din, the Chief Justice, and told him that Shaikh-zada 
Jam had called him unjust; he demanded that he should 
be summoned and required to prove the injustice of 
which he accused him, and that if he could not prove it, 
he should be punished according to the injunctions of 
the law, Shaikh-zada Jam, when he arrived, confessed 
that he had made the assertion. The Sultan inquired 
his reas'jn, to which he replied, "When a criminal is 
brought before you, it is entirely at your royal option 
to punish him, justly, or unjustly; but you go further 
than this, and give his wife and children to the execu- 
tioners that they may do what they like with them. In 
what religion is this practice lawful? If this is not in- 
justice, what is it?" The Sultan remained silent; and 
when he left the court of the Kazi, he ordered the 
Shaikh-zada to be imprisoned in an iron cage, and on 
his journey to Daulatabad he took the prisoner with him 
on the back of an elephant. When he returned to 
Dehli, on passing before the court of the Kazi, he ordered 
the Shaikh-zada to be brought out of the cage^ and cut to 
pieces. Hence it may be learnt that he possessed very 
opposite qualities. He was called by the common people 
"the unjust." There are many similar stories of the 
actrocities he committed. Tyranny took the place of jus- 
tice, and infidelity that of Islam. At last he was seized 
with fever, and departed to the next world, when he was 
in the vicinity of Thatta, on the 21st Muharram, A.H. 

* A few years later we find the Raja of Golkofida im- 
prisoned in an iron cage by Sultan Kuli Kutb Shah. — 
Brigs' "Firishta," vol. Hi. p. 874. 

F. 10. 



752 (20th March, 1351 A.D.). The period of his reign 
wa$ twenty-seven years. 


When Nuru-d diu Muhammad Jahangir died, the second 
Lord of the Conjunction, the rightful heir. Shah Khur- 
ram, who was entitled Shah Jahan, was in the Dakhin at 
a distance of three months' journey from the place where 
the Emperor Jahangir liad died. It is well known to 
politicians that the throne of royalty cannot remain 
vacant for a moment, and therefore the ministers of the . 
government and the principal officers of the Court consi- 
dered it expedient to place Sultan Dawar Bakhsh, the 
giandsou of tiie liuiperor Jahangir, upon the throne tor 
some days; and thus to guard against luuiinies and dis- 
turbances which might otherwise arise. Ihey defeated 
Shahriyar, who, through his vain ambition, had pro- 
cLainied himself King -in Lahore. I'ljc Kmper&r Shaha-bi*^- 
din Muhammad Shah Jahan (may his dominions and 
icign increase, and may the world be benchted b) his 
bount) and iiiunihcence!) also tanae with a povvertul 
army xnu Gujarat and Ajmir, and soon airivcd at Agra, 
which was the seat of his and his forefathers' govern- 
ment, fie mounted the throne of sovereignty in the fort 
of Agru on Monday the 7th of Jumada-i akhir, corres- 
ponding with the 25th of Bahman; and distributed 
largesses and icwards aniong his subjects. May the 
Almighty keep this generous and world-conquering King 
under tlis protection and care! 


It also entered into the mind of this "most humble slave 
of God" to write a short account of the different pro 
vinces of Hindustan, and make it a portion of this small 
work, detailing how much of this country was in posses 
sioR of the Emperor Jalalu-d din Muhammad Akbar and 
his son Nuru-d din Jahangir, and into how many subas 
it is now divided. 



Be it not concealed that the whole country of Hin- 
dustan, which is known to form one-fourth of the inha- 
bited world, and reckoned as the largest of all the coun- 
tries, is divided into fourteen subas, or provinces. 

First, the Province of Dehli; revenue upwards of 
65,61,00,000 dams. Second, the Province of Agra, which 
is the seat of government; revenue 82,25,00,000 dams. 
Third, the Province of the Panjab, or Lahore; present 
revenue, 82,50,00,000 dams. Fourth, the Province of 
Kabul, including Kashmir, etc.; revenue 25,00,00,000 
dams. Fifth, the Province of the Dakhin, or Ahmad- 
nagar; revenue 28,35.00,000 dams. Sixth, the Province 
of Khandesh and Birar; revenue 87„?2,00,000 dams. 
Seventh, the Province of Malwa; revenue 28,00,00,000 
dams. Eighth, the Province of Gujarat; revenue 
50,64,00,000 dams. Ninth, the Province of Bihar, includ- 
ing Patna and Jaunpur; revenue 31,27,00,000 dams. 
Tenth, the Province of Oudh with its dependencies; re- 
venue 23,22,00,000 dams. Eleventh, Province of 
Ajniir with its dependencies; revenue 42,05,00,000 dams. 
Fwelfth, the Province of Allahabad; revenue 
,iO, 70,00,000 dams. Thirteenth, the Province of Sind, in 
eluding Multan. Thatta and Bhakkar; revenue 
40,00,000 dams. Fourteenth, the Province of Bengal, 
which is equal to two or three kingdoms; revenue 
50,00,00,000 dams. 

The revenue of all the territories under the Em- 
perors oi Delhi amounts, according to the Royal registers, 
to six arhs and thirty krors of dams. One arb is eiqual to 
a hundred lirors (a kror being ten millions), and a hun- 
dred krors of da7?is are equivalent to two krors, and fifty 
lacs of rupees. Each of the fourteen provinces above 
mentioned foDned the territory of a powerful king, and 
was conquered by the sword of the servants .of the 
Chaghatais. Nine of these fourteen provinces have been 
visited by the poor compiler of this book, and the fol- 
lowing is a detail of them. 


He was born in the province ot tiie Dakiiin, and lived 
live years there. Though it is mentioned as one pro- 
vince, yet the whole territory of the Dakhin, through 
which he travelled with his father, consists of hve pro- 
vinces. Ahmadnagar is one province, Bijapur is another. 
Golkonda is a third: the Karnatik, which is a large terri- 
tory extending as far as Setband Rameshwar, forms a 
separate province. Khaiidesh and Birar, which are in 
reality two provinces, though rated above only as one. 
were visited throughout every space of their whole ex- 
tent by the writer, who has also travelled over the pro- 
\'inces of Gujarat, Malwa, Ajmir, Dehli, and Agra, as 
well as those of the Punjab or Lahore, and Sind, which 
includes Thatta, Bhakkar and Multan. By the favour of 
God. he possessed authority in all these provinces, and 
visited them as a person of consideration. If he were 
to note down the wonders and curiosities of all the 
places he had seen he would require to blacken paper 
equal to one thousand volumes. He has therefore avoid- 
ed enlarging his work. 

He may, however, as well mention, that when in the 
territory of the Karnatik, he arrived in company witli 
his father at the city of Southern Mathura (Madura), 
where, after a few days, the ruler died and went to the 
lowest hell. This chief had 700 wives, and they all threw 
themselves at the same time into the fire. This event 
was related by the compiler of this book at Barhanpiiv, 
in the presence of the Nawab Khan-khanan, .son of 
Bairam Khan; bul the Nawab did not believe ii. The 
-i^akil of the Raja of the Karnatik. whose name was Kan- 
er Rai. was also present at the court of the Nawab; and 
when inquiries were made of him respecting the truth 
of my assertion, he I'elatcd the event cxactlv as the writer 
had done. So the Nawab entered it in his note-book. 

All tlie people of this territory are idolators. and eat 
all the wild animals of the forest. There is not a single 



Musulman there. Orcasionally a Musulman may visit 
the country, deputed by Nizam Shah, 'Adil Shah or 
Kutb Shah, but the natives are all infidels. The Madari 
malangs and jogis go by this road to Sarandip and the 
hill-fort of Ceylon, which is the place where the in^res- 
sion of Adam's footstep is preserved. 

In A.H. 1031 the writer of this book visited the 
delightful land of Kashmir, when iie accompanied the 
victorious camp of the Emperor who had an army as 
numerous as the stars, vtz. Nuru-d din Muhammad 
Jahangir, and was in the immediate service of the most 
exalted and noble Nawab, the Great Khan, the best of 
all the descendants of the chosen prophet, the chief of 
the house of 'Ali, a noblemau of high rank and dignity. 
T'fz. Kasim Khan, may God preserve him! 




rhe author ol this briel history was Bindraban, son of 
Rai Bhara Mai, and was himself also honoured with the 
title of Rai. We learn from the Conclusion of the Khul- 
/isalu-l ln;ha that Rai Bhara Mai was the diwari of Dara 
Shukoh; and it is probable, therefore, that our author 
was early initiated into a knowledge of public affairs. 
He says thai the reason of his entering on this under- 
taking was that, "after meditating upon the conquests 
made by the Timurian family in this country, uj>on their 
being still more enlarged bv 'Alanigir (Aurangzeb) up to 
the year 1101 A.H.. and upon the lact of their continu- 
ing uninterruptedly in the possession of the same family, 
he thought of writing a book which ^hould briefly des- 
<;ribe how, and in what duration of time, those conquests 
were achieved, should give the history of former kings, 
their origin, and the causes which occasioned their rise 
or fail, the p>eriod of their reign, their abilities and enter- 
prises, and which should more particularly treat of the 
great conquests made by 'Alamgir." 

"It is true.'' he continues, "thai former historians 
have aheady written several works regarding the history 
of ancient kings, and especially Abu-1 Kasim, surnamed 
Firishta. whose compositions are very good as far as re- 
gards the language, but the defect of that work is thai, 
notwithstanding its being an abstract, ii is in many pans 
too prolix." Adverting also to the fact that his history 
does not extend beyond the thousandth vear of the Hijra, 
and hence the important transactions of one hundred 
years are altogether omitted, he thought it expedient to 
extract its es.sence, and compile, with his own additions, 
a new work, to be called the Lvhhu-t Tawarihh. or 
"Marrow of Histories."' 



He gives as another I'eason tor the superiority of his 
work over others, that it treats of the extensive and res- 
plendent conquests ot the Emperor 'Alamgir, whose 
kingdom extended towards the East, West, and the 
South to the seas, and towards the North to the boun- 
daries of Iran and Turan, a vast dominion, to the tenth 
of which no other kingdom is equal. Perhaps Rum only 
might enter into competition with it, but even in that 
case "seeing is belter than hearing." 


Preface, pp. 1 — 3. 

Section I. — The Kings of Dehli, from Mu'izzu-d din 

Muhammad Sam to Aurangzeb, pp. 4-256. 
Section II. — The Kings of the Dakhin, viz., the Bahmani, 

'Adil-Shahi, Nizam-Shahi, Kutb-Shahi, . the Tmad- 

Shahi and Baridia, or the Kings of Kulbarga, Bija- 

pur, Ahmadnagar, Golkonda, Birar, and llidr, pp. 

Section III.— The Kings of Gujarat, pp. 330-352. 
Section IV. — The Kings of Malwa, pp. 352-374. 
Section V The Kings of Khandesh and P.uihanpur, 

pp. 375-386. 
Section VI.—The Kings ot Bengal, pp. 386-398. 
Section VII.— The Kings of Jaunpur, 399-403. 
Section VIII.— The Kings of Sind, pp. 403-408. 
Section IX.—The Kings of Multan, pp. 408-4'10. 
Section X.— The Kings of Kashmir, pp. 410-412. 
Size. — 8vo. pp. 412. of 15 lines each. 

Major Scott has made great use of this work in his 
"History the Dakhin," but so brief a work is of little 
use. The author quotes no authorities in his preface 
except Firishta, but he mentions also in the body of the 
work the Akhar-nama and Jahangir-nama as being so 
common as to render it unnecessary for him to enlarge 
on the periods of which they treat. 

The exact year in which the work was composed is 
somewhat doubtful. It is not quite clear from the pre- 



tace whether the date should be rendered 1,100 or 1,101 
A.H. A chronogram given by an early transcriber makes 
it 1 106; and if the title of the work be intended to form 
a chronogram, which is nowhere stated by the author, 
the date would be 1,108 A.H. (1,696 A.D.). 

The Lubbu-t Tawarikh-i Hind is very common in 
India. One of the best copies I have seen is in the pos- 
session of Nawab Hasan 'Ali Khan of Jhajjar, written in 
1148 A.H. In Europe also it is not uncommon. There 
is a copy of it in the British Museum (No. 5618). There 
is also an illegible copy at Paris (Gentil. No. 44) under 
the incorrect title of Muntakhabu-t Tarikh. 

(The translations of the following Extracts were re-^ 
vised by Sir H. M. Elliot.) 


Shah Jahan abolishes the Ceremony of Prostration 
it had long been customary with the subjects of this state 
to prostrate themselves before the King in grateful re- 
turn for any royal favours conferred on them, and on 
the receipt of royal mandates. This just King (Shah 
Jahan), on his accession to the throne, commanded that 
the practice should be abolished, and, at the represent- 
ation of Mahabat Khan (Khan-khanan), he established 
instead the practice of kissing the ground. This also 
being afterwards found equally objectionable, the King, 
actuated by his devotion and piety, ordered that it like- 
• wise should be discontinued; and that the usual mode 
o{ salutation by bowing and touching the head should 
be restored, with this difference, that, instead of doing 
so only once, as before, the act should be performed thrice 
several times. Circular orders, enforcing the observance 
of this practice, were issued to all the Governors within 
the royal dominions. 


The means employed by the King in these happy times 



to protect and iiourish bis people; to punish all kinds of 
oppressive evil-doers; his knowledge on all subjects tend- 
ing to the welfare of bis people; his impressing the same 
necessity upon the revenue functionaries, and the ap- 
ipointment of honest and intelligent officers in every dis- 
trict; bis administration of the country, and calling for 
and examining annual statements of revenue, in order 
to ascertain what were the resources of the empire; bis 
showing his royal affection to the people, and expressing 
bis displeasure when necessary; his issuing stringent 
orders to the officers appointed to the charge of the crown 
and assigned lands, lo promote the increase and welfare 
of the tenants; his admonishing the disobedient, and 
constantly directing bis' generous attention towards the 
improvement of agriculture and the collection of the re- 
venues of the state; — all these contributed in a great 
measure to advance the prosperity of his empire. Tiie 
pai:gana the income of which was three lacs of rupees in 
the reigfn of Akbar (whose seat is in the highest heaven!), 
yielded, in this happy reign, a revenue of ten lacsl The 
collections made in some districts, however, fell short 
of this proportionate increase. The chakladar.s who, by 
carefully cultivating their lands, aided in increasing the 
revenue, received marked consideration, and vice versa. 
Notwithstanding the comparative increase in the ex- of the State during this reign, gratuities for the 
erection of public edifices and other works in progress, 
and for the paid military service and establishments, 
such as those maintained in Balkh, Badakhshan, and 
Kandaliar, amounted, at one disbursement only, to 
fourteen krors of rupees, and the advances made on 
account of edifices only were two krors and fifty lacs of 
rupees. From this single instance of expenditure, an idea 
may be formed as to what the charges must have been 
under others. Besides, in times of war, large sums were 
expended, in addition to fixed salaries and ordinary out 
lay. In short, the expenditure of former reigns, in com- 



.parison with that of the one in question, was not even 
in the proportion of one to four; and yet this King, in 
A short space of time, amassed a treasure which it would 
Jiave taken several years for his p"edecessors to accumu- 

Jale! ( 

SHAH JAHAN'S justice 

Notwithstanding the great area of this country, 
plaints we-re so few that only one day in the week, viz. 
Wednesday, was fixed upon for the administration of 
justice; and it was rarely even then that twenty plaintifiEs 
could be found to prefer suits, the number generally 
being much less. The writer of this historical sketch on 
more than one occasion, when honoured with an audi- 
ence of the King, heard His Majeisty chide the darogha 
of the Court that although so many confidential persons 
had been appointed to invite plaintiffs, and a day of the 
week was set apart exclusively with the view of dispens- 
ing justice, yet even the small number of twenty plain- 
tiffs could but very seldom be brought into Court. The 
darogha replied that if he failed to produce only one 
plaintifl, he would be worthy of punishnx ii 

In short, it was owing to the great sohi^uclc evinc- 
ed by the King towards the promotion of the national 
weal and the general tranquillity, that the j>eople were 
restrained from committing offences against one another 
and breaking the public peace. But if offenders were 
discovered, the local authorities used generally to try 
I hem on the spot where the offence had been committed 
according to law; and in concurrence with the law offi- 
cers: and if any individual, dissatisfied with the deci- 
sion passed on his case, ap,pealed to the Governor or 
diwnn, or to the kazi. of the suha, the matter was review- 
ed, and judgment awarded with great care and discri- 
mination, lest it should be mentioned in the presence of 
the King that justice had not been done. If parties 
were not satisfied even with ^these decisions, they appeal- 



ed to tl^e chief diwan, or to the chief kazi on matters 
of law. These oGficers ins):ituted further inquiries. Witii 
all this care, what cases, except those relating to blood 
and religion, could become subjects of reference to His 
Majesty? , 



Illness of Shah Jahan 
(On the 8th Zi-1 hijja, 1067 A.H. (8th September 1657), 
the Emperor Shah Jahan was seized with illness at Dehlk 
His illness lasted ^or a long time, ^nd every day he grew . 
weaker, so that he was unable to attend to the business 
of the State. Irregularifies of , all sorts occurred in the: 
administration, and great disturbances arose in the wide 
territories of Hindustan. The unworthy and frivolours 
DaEi Shukoh considered himself heir-apparent, and not 
withstanding his waint, of .'ability ixif xhe kingly office? he' 
endeavoured with the scissors of greediness to cut the 
robes of the Imperial dignity into a shape suited ;for his 
unworthy person.^ With this over-weening ambition 
constantly in his mind, and in pursuit of his vain design, 
he never left the seat of government. When the Emperor 
fell ill and was unable to attend to business, Dara 
Shukoh took the opf>ortunity of seizing the reins of 
jKJwer, and interfered with everything. He closed the 
roads against the spread of news, and seized letters ad- 
dressed to individuals. He forbade the officers of gov- 
ernment to write or send any intelligence to the pro- 
vinces, and upon the mere suspicion of their having 
done so, he seized and imprisoned them. The royal 
princes, the great nobles, and all the men who were 
scattered through the provinces and territories of this 
great empire, many even of the officials and servants who 

^(Passages like this frequently occur, but after this 
Ihey have been turned into plain language in the trans 



were employed at the capital, had no expectation that 
the Emperor would live much longer. So great dis- 
orders arose in the affairs of the Slate.' Disaffected aud 
rebellious men raised their heads in mutiny and strife 
on every side. Turbulent raiyals refused to pay their 
revenue. The seed of rebellion was sown in all direc- 
tions, and by degrees the evil reached to such a height 
that in Gujarat Murad Bakhsh took his seat upon the 
throne, had the khutba read and coins struck in his 
name, and assumed the title of King, Shuja took the 
same course in Bengal, led an army against Patna, and 
from thence advanced to Benares.)^ 

The End 

^For further details about Shah-Jahan and his reign 
iee "Memoirs of Jahangir" and "Aurangzeb" by Khafi